ppvr trind pr 3 sa 1 nc f3 snen 3 sal ncf3s nen 3 s no angel's wing," no seraph's fire ;*

He asks

con vir ind pr 3 s part prep a l al nen 3s 7 But thinks, admitted to that equal sky,

10

PP al nem 3s

His faithful dog

ir in imp 2 s al pp

Go,"

con prep p p ncn 3 s 7 prep nen 3 si wiser thou and in thy scale of sense,

▼r trimp 2 s Pp ncn 3 s prep

Weigh

npm 3s7

thy" opinion against Providence;

Transposition-Call that imperfection which thou fanciest such.
Call imperfection" what thou' fanciest such;

vir tr imp 2 s adv p p v ir tr ind pr 3 s ncn 3 s adv
Say 10

here he gives

ncn 3 s

too little, there too much,'

prep nen 3 s 7 a 1 ncn3s7 p p nc in 3 s is In pride, in reas'ning pride, our error lies;

a 1 creatures vr tr ind pr 3 plu All

con

ncn 3 plu 7 quit their sphere, and rush into the skies.

6

nen 3s adv vr in ind pr 3 s al al nen 3 s 7 Pride still is aiming at the blest abodes;

nem 3 plu v ir pot imp 3 plu n & cr2nen 3 plu Men'

would be

n & cr2

angels; angels' would be' gods.'

part vir in inf prr 2 con n c n 3 plu

Aspiring to be

gods, if angels' fell,,

part vir in inf pr r 2 nem 3 plu v r in in pr 3 plu Aspiring to be angels, men'

And [he] who

prep n p m 3 37

rebel,"

adv vr in ind pr 3 s vr tr inf pr a 1 ncn 3 plu
but wishes" to invert the laws

Of ORDER, sins against th' ETERNAL CAUSE.

Having completed our exercises for the private learner, we here present additional exercises for practice, without being marked, to be used by those who prefer them-although the previous lessons should be gone over, in part, at least, in all cases. The words in the first piece have the relation pointed out by figures-and in the additional exercises the student will be able to make this out for himself.

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY CONTRASTED.

Part of a Letter from Italy, by ADDISON.
How12 has 18 kind 1 Heaven2 adorned 10 this1 happy1 land,6
And 16 scattered 10 blessings6 with14 al wasteful1 hand;7
But 16 what8,6 avail10 her8,5 unexhausted1 stores,2
Her8,5 blooming1 mountains2 and 16 her8,5 sunny1 shores,2
With 14 all the1 gifts7 that8,6 heaven2 and 15 earth2 impart,10
the1 smiles7 of 13 nature,7 and 16 the1 charms7 of 13 art,7
While 12 proud1 oppression2 in14 her8,5 valleys7 reigns,9
And 16 tyranny2 usurps 10 her8,5 happy1 plains?6
Thel poor1 inhabitant2 beholds 10 in vain,12
The1 redd'ning1 orange6 and 16 that1 swelling1 grain:6
Joyless1 he2 sees 10 the 1 growing1 oils6 and 16 wines,6
And 16 in14 the1 myrtle's5 fragrant1 shade7 repines.9
O! Liberty,3 thou3 power3 supremely 19 bright,1
Profusel of bliss,7 and 15 fragrant1 with delight!7
Perpetuall pleasures2 in14 thy8,5 presence7 reign,9
And 16 smiling1 plenty2 leads 10 thy8,5 wanton train ;6

Eased 1,11 of 14 her8,5 load,7 subjection2 grows9 more 19 light,1
And 16 poverty2 looks9 cheerful1 in 14 thy8,5 light.7

Thou8,2 makest 10 the1 gloomy1 face6 of 13 nature7 gay;1

givest 10 beauty6 to14 the1 sun,7 and 16 pleasure6 to14 the1 day.7

On14 foreign1 mountains7 may the1 sun2 refine 10

The1 grape's5 soft1 juice,6 and mellow10 it8,6 to 14 wine ;7

With14 citron1 groves7 adorn 10 a1 distant1 soil,6

And16 the1 fat1 olive6 swell10 with 14 floods7 of 13 oil.7
We8,2 envy 10 not12 the1 warmer1 climes6 that8,2 lie9
In14 ten1 degrees7 of 13 more 19 indulgent1 skies ;7
Nor16 at14 the1 coarseness7 of 13 our8,5 heaven7 repine,9
Tho'16 o'er 14 our8.5 heads7 the1 frozen1 pleiads2 shine:9
'Tis 8,2,9 liberty2 that8,2 crowns 10 the1 Saxon's5 isle,6

Aad 16 makes 10 the1 barren1 rocks6 and16 the1 bleak1 mountains6

smile.9

ADDITIONAL EXTRACTS FOR PARSING.

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HAYNE.

I shall enter on no encomium of Massachusetts-she needs none. There she is-behold her, and judge for yourselves. There is her history. The world has it by heart. The past at least is secure. There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker hill, and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons, fallen in the great struggle for independence, now lie mingled with the soil of every state, from New England to Georgia, and there they will lie forever. And, sir, where American Liberty raised its first voice, and where its youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives in the strength of its manhood, and full of its original spirit. If discord and disunion shall wound it-if party strife and blind ambition shall hawk at and tear it-if folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and necessary restraint, shall succeed to separate it from that union by which alone its existence is made sure-in the end, by the side of that cradle in which its infancy was rocked, it will stretch forth its arms with whatever vigor it may still retain, over the friends who gather round it—and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amidst the proudest monuments of its own glory, and on the very spot of its origin.

BENTON ON THE PROTEST.

The question immediately before the senate was one of minor consequence; it might be called a question of small import, except for the effect which the decision might have upon the Secretary itself. In that point of view it might be a question of some moment; for, without reference to individuals, it was essential to the cause of free governments, that every department of the government, the senate inclusive, should so act as to preserve to itself the respect and confidence of the country. The immediate question was, upon the rejection of the president's message. It was

moved to reject it-to reject it, not after it was considered, but before it was considered! and thus to tell the American people that their president shall not be heard, should not be allowed to plead his defence, in the presence of the body that condemned him, neither before the condemnation, nor after it! This is the motion, and certainly no enemy to the senate could wish it to miscarry. The president, in the conclusion of his message, has respectfully requested that his defence might be entered upon the jour nal of the senate-upon that same journal which contains the record of his conviction. This is the request of the president. Will the senate deny it? Will they refuse this act of sheer justice and common decency? Will they go further, and not only refuse to place it on the journal, but refuse even io suffer it to remain in the senate? Will they refuse to permit it to remain on file, but send it back, or throw it out of doors, without condescending to reply to it? for that is the exact import of the motion now made! Will senators exhaust their minds, and their bodies also, in loading this very communication with epithets, and then say that it shall not be received? Will they receive memorials, resolutions, essays, from all that choose to abuse the president, and not receive a word of defence from him? Will they continue the spectacle which has been presented here for three months-a daily presentation of attacks upon the president from all that choose to attack him, young and old, boys and men-attacks echoing the very sound of this resolution, and which are not only received and filed here, but printed also, and referred to a committee, and introduced, each one with a lauded commentary of set phrase? Are the senate to receive all these, and yet refuse to receive from the object of all this attack one word of answer?

The proceeding, he, Mr B., held to be an impeachment, without the forms of an impeachment-a conviction, with out the form of a trial-a sentence of condemnation for a high crime and misdemeanor, against the chief magistrate of the republic, without evidence, without hearing, without defence, without the observance of a single form prescrib ed for the trial of impeachments; and this by the very tribunal which is lound to try the formal impeachment for the same matter if duly demanded by the grand inquest

of the nation in their hall of representatives. This was the question which the country would have to try, and in the trial of which, furious passion, reckless denunciation, bold, or even audacious assertion, will stand for nothing. 'The record! the record! will be the evidence which the country will demand. The facts! the facts! will be the data which they require! The speeches! the speeches' delivered on this floor, will be the test of the spirit and intention with which these proceedings were pursued and consummated.

WEBSTER ON THE PROTEST.

The contest for ages has been to rescue liberty from the grasp of executive power. Whoever has been engaged in her sacred cause, from the days of the downfall of those great aristocracies, which had stood between the king and the people, to the time of our own independence, has struggled for the accomplishment of that single object. On the long list of champions of human freedom, there is not one name damned by the reproach of advocating the extension of executive authority; on the contrary, the uniform and steady purpose of all such champions has been, to limit and restrain it. To this end, the spirit of liberty, growing more and more enlightened, and more and more vigorous from age to age, has been battering for centuries against the solid buttments of the feudal system. To this end all that could be gained from the imprudence, snatched from the weakness, or wrung from the necessities of crowned heads, has been carefully gathered up, secured, and hoarded, as the rich treasures, the very jewels of liberty. To this end, popular and representative right has kept up its warfare against prerogative, with various success; sometimes writing the history of a whole age in bloodsometimes witnessing the martyrdoms of Sydneys and Russels; often baffled and repulsed, but still gaining, on the whole, and holding what it gained with a grasp which nothing but the complete extinction of its own being could compel it to relinquish,

*

And now, sir, who is he so ignorant of the history of