My best find was the Epitaph of Bishop Eugenius of Laodiceia Combusta, already published, with notes on the text and an historical commentary, in the Expositor Now. Dec. 1908 and April 1909. In May 1909 I was privileged to revisit this and some other inscriptions of Laodiceia Combusta in company with Sir W. M. Ramsay and Miss A. M. Ramsay. With their help I prepared the facsimile copy of the Epitaph which is reproduced here. Our measurements showed that eight or nine letters are lost at the beginning of the last line, and that the gap after ЄK/ contained about six letters. Sir W. M. Ramsay detected traces of O before T on the right-hand side of the gap, and discovered that the faint letters at the beginning of line 4 which I had transliterated FA are A. In all other particulars my copy of 1908 stands verified. ἐκ[λογῆς ἀπ]ὸ in the last line is Sir W. M. Ramsay's suggestion: he gives it as meaning, the Elect in my family “, implying that only some of the relatives of Eugenius were Christians 1). 1. Ladik. On a marble sarcophagus lying in a field south of the mesarlik 2) (s. Tafel). Μ(άρκος) Ιούλιος) Εὐ[γένιος Κυρίλλου Κέλερος Κουησσέως βουλευτοῦ) στρατευσ[ά]μενος ἐν τῇ κατὰ Πισιδίαν ἡγεμονικῇ τάξι καὶ γήμας θυγατέρα Γαίου Νεστοριανοῦ συνκλητικοῦ Φλαουίαν) Ἰουλίαν) Φ[λ]αουιανὴν καὶ μετ' ἐπιτει[μ]ίας στρατευσάμενον (sic). ἐν δὲ τῷ [μ]εταξὺ χρόνῳ κελεύσεως [φο]ιτησάσης ἐπὶ Μαξιμίνου τοὺς Χρ[ε]ιστιανοὺς θύειν καὶ μὴ ἀπα[λ]λάσσεσθαι τῆς στρατεί[α]ς πλείστας δὲ ὅσας βασάνο[υς] ὑπομείνας ἐπὶ Διογέ[ν]ους ἡγεμόνος σπουδάσας [τ]ε ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς στρατείας τὴν τῶν Χρειστιανῶν πίστιν φυλάσσων χρόνον τ[ε] βραχὺν διατρίψας ἐν τῇ Λαοδικέων πόλι καὶ βουλήσ[ε]ι τοῦ παντοκράτορος θεοῦ ἐπίσκοπος κατασταθ[ε]ὶς καὶ εἴκοσι πέντε ὅλοις ἔτεσιν τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν μετὰ πολ[λῆς ἐπιτειμίας διοι[κ]ήσας καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ἐκλησίαν ἀνοικοδο[μ]ήσας ἀπὸ θεμελίων καὶ σύνπαντα τὸν περὶ αὐτὴν κόσμον [τ]οῦτ ̓ ἐστιν στοῶν τε καὶ τ[ετ]ραστόων καὶ ζωγραφιῶ[ν] καὶ κεντήσεων κὲ ὑδρείου καὶ προπύλου καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς λιθοξοϊκοῖς ἔργοις καὶ π[άντ]ας (sic) ἁπλῶ (sic) κατασκευάσας λιψόμενός τε τὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίον ἐποίησα ἐμαυτῷ πέ[λτα τε] καὶ σορὸν ἐν ᾗ τὰ [π]ρο[γεγραμμένα] ταῦτα ἐποίησα ἐπιγρ(ά)φ(ε)ιν ε ἰς τύμβον ἐμὸν τῆς τε ἐκ[λογῆς ἀπ]ὸ τοῦ γένους μου. A couple of miles south of Laodiceia Combusta, on the lower slope of the high ridge which divides the valley of Ladik from the upland glen containing the village and the mines of Sisma, there are considerable A 1) See Erpositor Jan. 1910. - 2) Α commentary on this important inscription is reserved for a future issue of Klio. Klio, Beiträge zur alten Geschichte Χ 2. 16 ruins of an ancient temple. Close by, there is one of those fountains called by the Greeks Ayasmata. It is a rectangular tank of cement, nine feet by six, kept full by a spring of good water. No part of the temple is now standing, and its exact site is not clear, but the remains show that it was a considerable building. Fragments of Byzantine engaged columns" prove that this was later the site of a Christian building, presumably a church. The temptation to identify it with the church built by Bishop Eugenius, with its ὑδρεῖον, is strong, but Eugenius' statement implies that his church was built on the site of the one destroyed in the Persecution. under Diocletian (ἀνοικοδομήσας ἀπὸ θεμελίων) and at this early date we must suppose that the pagan temple beside the watertank was still standing. Among the ruins of this temple I copied inscriptions 2, 4, and 5; No. 3 was in a field some distance away. In 1909, No. 2 was revised by Miss A. M. Ramsay, No. 5 by Sir W. M. Ramsay, and No. 4 by myself. 2. Ladik. Among ruins of pagan temple. Other dedications to the wife of the Emperor Gallienus are published by Mr J. G. C. Anderson in Journal of Hell. Studies, 1897, p. 423, and 1899, p. 107. This inscription supplies a direct proof, if indeed any proof were now required 1), that Laodiceia Combusta was not a colonia in the time of Gallienus; otherwise, the dedication would have been made in the name of the colonia. Η βουλή and δῆμος imply Greek city organisation. 3. Ladik. In field near pagan temple. 1) See Catalogue of Greek Coins in Brit. Museum, Lycaonia, Introd. p. XXII; Professor Ramsay in Classical Review, 1905, p. 369. 4. Ladik. Among ruins of pagan temple. ΣΑΝΑΓΝΩΣΕ Βάσσον[τα δημωφελῶς εὐ- τῷ σειτωνήσαν- These two inscriptions, which were engaved on separate epistyle blocks, refer to the same person. 3. is probably later than 4., for had Basson been high-priest in the Imperial cult when 4. was dedicated, the fact would have been mentioned. ἐνδείας οὔσης ἑαυτῷ“ is an unusual qualification. 5. Ladik. Among ruins of pagan temple. The stone bearing the inscription given on p. 236 was broken off above the first line, destroying the first half of the line. It was buried upside down, and as I had only the means of uncovering the inscription, not of digging up and turning the stone, I could form no opinion as to whether there had been a further line at the top. This document contains the only extant record of two Imperial procuratorships. The person to whom the dedication was made (I can find no independent clue to his name) was a libertus Augusti, and therefore in the service of the Imperial household 1). It is necessary to lay 1) A list of the known liberti Augusti and servi Caesaris at Laodiceia Combusta is given by Prof. Ramsay Class. Rev. 1905, p. 369. 16* stress on this point, because the inscription affords the first instance of a procurator calendarii in the Imperial service. Curatores calendarii, of ΈΝΟΝΣ ΓΑΣΤΟΥ ΑΠΕΛΕΥ ενον Σε τιος Αἰμιλιανὸς Equestrian rank 1), are known to have existed in several municipia and coloniae in Italy, Sicily, and Spain, sometimes granted (datus) by the Emperor, more often chosen (electus) by him or by the governor of the province. On the meaning of the word Calendarium, see especially Kübler in Ruggiero Dizionario Epigrafico, where the Latin inscriptions mentioning curatores calendarii are collected. The Calendarium Velianum must be the account-book of a legacy left by a person called Velius, most probably to the Fiscus. In an inscription of Pisaurum, C. Titius Valentinus leaves a legacy to the colonia Pisaurensium for a specific purpose; we find in another inscription of the same city a curator Kalendarii pecuniae Valentini 2). We know that the slave or freedman in charge of a private ledger was a procurator 3), and this fact prepares us for an Imperial procurator in charge of the account-book of a sum bequeathed to the Fiscus. With the Calendarium Velianum compare the Calendaria Clodianum and Minucianum, CIL X, 1824; Kalendarium Septimianum, CIL III, 4152. It is possible, but improbable that the Calendarium Velianum also was the account-book of some municipal legacy located in Rome or Alexandria ). Despite the solicitude shown by several Emperors for sound municipal finance, it is unlikely 1) See Ruggiero Dizionario Epigrafico s. v. Calendarium. Cagnat's inclusion of this office among carrières inférieures“, (Epigraphie latine 3 p. 149) is incorrect. 2) Noticed by Kübler loc. cit. 3) Inferred by Kübler from Seneca Ep. 14, 18. 4) Not in Laodiceia Combusta, for Calendaria do not occur in Asia Minor, and, further, careers in inscriptions are regularly set down in chronological order. that an Emperor would ever have departed from the rule that the officials in charge of municipal calendaria must be of the Equestrian order, and have appointed a capable freedman to the office. This inscription supplying, as it does, an instance of a libertus Augusti as procurator calendarii, does not however justify us in defending the older interpretation 1) of CIL VI, 8511. In that inscription, Aurelius Hermias Aug. lib. proc. K. etc. the abbreviation proc. K. used to be read procurator) K(alendarii), but was correctly transliterated proc(urator) K(astrensis) in the Corpus Inscr. Lat. Compare CIL VI, 652, and 727. The restoration zάorn[s iɛ]oas, which occurred to Sir W. M. Ramsay as soon as he saw my copy, is better than zagrno(i)as, which involves a change in the preserved part of the text. It is true that there is scant room for three letters at the end of line 6, but if we suppose that there was ligature of H and (thus FC) and that the form iods was used, the difficulty vanishes. zάorn iɛoá, instead of the usual masculine form, is a Latinism based on charta sacra. Another Latinism in this inscription is καλενδαρίου as contrasted with καλάνδαι, the usual form in Greek inscriptions of calendae 2). The Egyptian paper-yielding papyrus was an Imperial monopoly, and an Imperial procurator in the Imperial papyrus office in Alexandria need cause no surprise. The regia charta (zágτng Baolinós) of Egypt is mentioned by Catullus Carm XXII. 6. The term came in time to denote the best kind of paper (cf. Pliny, HN. XIII. 74; Suetonius, Reliquiae (ed. Reifferscheid), p. 131, quoted by Ellis ad Catullum, loc. cit.); but was doubtless applied originally to all Egyptian paper, as being a monopoly of the Ptolemies. The name „Serentius" is certain, and apparently new. 6. Senge. On a limestone block, with ornamented borders. MIOC TIPE C Ιούλιος πρεσ 1) E. g. in Orelli, 4008, Gori, II 24, Forcellini, Lexicon, s. v. Calendarium. 2) See Cagnat Inscr. Graec. ad res Rom. pert. Vol. III, Index, p. 665. The Ex given of Kahirdau is a false completion. |