support of French and Negro troops, they succeeded in driving out the whites and placing the blacks in complete control of the island.

The intermediary of the transfer of authority in the colony from the whites to the blacks was Toussaint Louverture, the greatest military and diplomatic genius in the history of the Negro race. He was one

of the leaders of the Black Rebellion of 1791, but soon thereafter he and some of his followers were induced to cross the line and take commissions in the Spanish army. In the meantime the French Commissioners in Saint Domingue, being solidly opposed by the remnant of the white planters, and being menaced by the landing of British troops from Jamaica, decreed the emancipation of all slaves.

In the spring of 1794 Toussaint, influenced by the action of the Commissioners of Saint Domingue in decreeing the emancipation of the slaves, transferred his allegiance back to the French, and when he returned from the Spanish colony he brought with him 4,000 well-trained Negro troops. With this force, supplemented by other regiments, he was able to compel the retirement of the British from the island, and later to invade and conquer the Spanish end of the island, thus making himself the master of the whole country.

In 1802 Napoleon sent to the island 20,000 troops under the command of his brother-in-law, Leclerc, with the purpose of restoring French authority. Toussaint's armies were defeated and he was captured and deported to a French prison in the Alps, where he died.

In the meantime the French troops in Saint Domingue were decimated by an epidemic of tropical fever, General Leclerc himself died in December, 1802, and the British navy, because of the war between England and France, blockaded the coast and prevented relief to the French forces. Finally this remnant of French troops surrendered to the British Admiral, leaving the way open for a return of Negro domination in the colony.

General Dessalines, a former lieutenant of Toussaint Louverture, now (1804) proclaimed himself emperor. In the year following, however, an insurrection broke out among the disaffected blacks, and Dessalines was shot from ambush. Following the death of Emperor Dessalines, a constitution was adopted defining the colony as a republic, and General Henri Christophe was chosen as the first president. Thereafter the name of the country and government came to be designated as Haiti instead of Saint Domingue.

The history of the Republic of Haiti has been characterized by almost ceaseless revolution, and punctuated by frequent assassinations.

Life and property have been insecure, and the public revenues and proceeds from foreign loans have been stolen or wasted by public officials. The republican features of the constitution have never been observed, and, with the exception of one or two administrations, the path to power has been by way of military usurpation. Roads, bridges, and schools have been neglected, and, from an industrial or moral point of view, scarcely any progress has been made in the past century.

In 1916, owing to the inability of the Haitian government to meet its foreign obligations and to the disorders following a revolution, a treaty was made between Haiti and the United States, to be effective for at least ten years, giving the latter authority to collect and supervise the customs revenue and to create a constabulary, composed of native Haitians, to preserve order, etcetera.

The administration of Haiti by the United States during the past ten years has resulted in the restoration of order; an increase of revenue; a reduction of the public debt; the improvement of roads, public schools, and public sanitation; and in the inauguration of scientific methods of agriculture and husbandry. On the other hand, the administration has irritated the natives and has had to put down several insurrections by force of arms and the proclamation of martial law. The Negroes of Haiti and of the United States, and also many members of the United States Congress and editors of newspapers and magazines in our country, have severely criticized our Haitian policy and urged our immediate withdrawal from the island.

In 1844 the people of the eastern part of Haiti, who are Spanishspeaking Negroes, mostly of the mulatto type, rebelled against the misrule of Haiti and set up an independent republic, which, however, has run about the same course as that of Haiti. Its history has been largely that of revolution and reckless issue of bonds, and of official peculation. In 1901 the government found itself in such a bad plight that the United States was invited to take charge of the custom-house as the only escape from bankruptcy.

Negro slavery existed for more than a century in the West Indies before the first Negro set foot on the North American continent. In the fall of 1619 a Negro woman by the name of Angela was disembarked on the Virginia coast from the ship Treasurer, of which the Earl of Warwick was the chief owner. Soon thereafter Negro slaves came in quantity from the West Indies, and later from Africa. In 1630 the Dutch slave traders began to bring Negroes into New Amsterdam, and in 1634, from an unknown source, Negroes were coming into

Massachusetts. About 1657, Negro slaves began to be employed by the Dutch and Swedes who had settlements along the Delaware river. By the close of the seventeenth century, Negro slavery had become an established institution in all of the original thirteen colonies except Georgia.

In Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, Negro servants were as common as in Charleston. Among the aristocratic people of Boston, the slaveholding families included such names as Hopkins, Williams, Stiles, Edwards, Winthrop, Mather, and even Faneuil.

In New York, the slaveholding families included the Murrays, the Chamberses, the Roosevelts, the Bayards, the Duanes, the Courtlandts, the Livingstons, the Nichollses, the Jays, and others whose names are still perpetuated in the designation of the streets of that great city.

Economic and climatic factors determined the quantity and distribution of slaves in each of the colonies. In the Northern colonies, except during the pioneer period of forest-felling and extensive agriculture, slave labor was uneconomic because of the diversity and intensity of industry and because of the high cost of living. It was not profitable to raise slaves, and hence the frequency with which slave children were advertised for sale. Slave labor early disappeared from the farms and from commerce, and was retained only in domestic service, as a luxury for the rich.

In the Tidewater region of the South, the extensive methods of agriculture, the concentration on a single crop, and the low cost of living made slave labor profitable, and the Negro slaves found their chief market in this region. In the Piedmont region of the South, where the soil was poor and subject to washes, the farms smaller, and the cost of living higher, slave labor was less profitable, and the number of slaves was always far less than the number of free whites. In the Mountain region, where the soil was still less bountiful and no surplus could be produced, slavery scarcely existed.

The introduction of slavery into the colonies was everywhere due to the same cause, to wit: the impossibility of securing free labor. In a new country, where land is free, no one will voluntarily work for another, and the only means of obtaining a labor supply is some form of coercion. The indenture of white servants, the binding out of orphans, and the drafting of freemen for assistance in harvesting crops were some of the forms of compulsory labor commonly practiced in the colonies.

On account of differences of climate, slaves were more in demand

in the South than in the North. In the West Indies the idea prevailed that the heat and humidity of the climate would not permit white people to do manual labor, and the same idea came to dominate the white people of the Tidewater region of the South Atlantic colonies. Hence, the labor of the white people of these regions was mainly that of supervision. In the Piedmont region of the Southern colonies it was a common practice for masters and slaves to work together in the fields, and this practice continued after the Revolution and down to the Civil War. In the Mountain regions of the Southern states, where climatic conditions are much like those of New England, the white people were accustomed to manual labor, and generally looked with disfavor upon slavery.

In all of the colonies, special laws, known as Black Codes, were made for the regulation of slave labor, and, while these laws differed somewhat, the actual treatment of the slaves was everywhere substantially the same. Generally the slaveholders in all the colonies were the most enterprising class of people, and as a rule treated their slaves hu\_manely; but there were many slaveholders of a low order of intelligence, and of irritable and vicious tempers, who treated their slaves with great brutality. In proportion to the Negro population, there were about as many burnings of Negroes, and other barbaric ill-usages of them, in Massachusetts, New York, and New Jersey, as in Virginia, South Carolina, or Georgia.

Slave labor in the North gradually disappeared because of its diminishing profitableness and, by the time of the adoption of our Constitution, it had been legally terminated in all of the Northern states except Delaware.

The sentiment against slave labor which had developed in the North spread into the Upper South, and led to many private emancipations. In 1832 in Virginia, where slavery was becoming uneconomic, an effort was made to enact a law for gradual emancipation.

After 1832, due to the increasing profitableness of cotton culture and the radical anti-slavery agitation in the North, the sentiment against slavery in the South is supposed by most historians to have died out, and the South to have become solidified in favor of an indefinite perpetuation of slavery. But this supposition is erroneous. What happened was that political leadership was transferred to the Lower South, which had become the center of the cotton culture and of the Negro population.

The planters of the Tidewater region, here as in Virginia, had never looked with favor on the proposition to emancipate the slaves. On the other hand, the planters of the Piedmont and Mountain regions were

the leaders of the opposition to slavery in Virginia in 1832, and, after expanding into Tennessee and Kentucky, they continued their opposition down to the Civil War, although they were rendered helpless and their voices repressed by the political domination of the Tidewater South.

During the Civil War, the slaves to a remarkable extent remained on the plantations of their masters. A great many of them, however, were used for noncombatant military service, as teamsters, laborers on roads and fortifications, and in ordnance factories, salt mines, and so forth. Among the Confederate troops it was a common practice for the soldier of a well-to-do family to take with him to the front a Negro servant, who performed the rough tasks that fell to the soldier, such as splitting wood and digging ditches, and who remained close at hand to aid his master when he was sick or wounded. The free Negroes, under act of the Confederate government, were liable to service in the army as laborers.

On the side of the Union, Negro troops were enlisted from several of the Northern states, and from among the camp-followers of the Union armies in the Southern states, the total number enlisted being 178,975. Negro troops rendered valuable service to the Union forces in several important battles.

Before the close of the Civil War, the Freedmen's Bureau, and several religious and philanthropic organizations, took up the task of establishing schools for the education of the Negro. During the Reconstruction period, many of these schools were merged into state publicschool systems, while others remained under private control. Most of the present-day colleges and universities for the Negroes in the South were inaugurated by Northern religious and philanthropic organizations during the period of Reconstruction.

At the close of the Civil War not more than ten percent of the Negroes could read and write, and, with this small foundation, the work has gone forward of enlightening the Negro masses of the South and preparing them for the duties and privileges of freemen.