lawful to discriminate against the Negro in any public resort, and in most instances, especially where the number of Negroes is small, the whites welcome Negro patrons or at least serve them and treat them courteously. But there are some white proprietors of establishments who seek to debar Negroes even where the number of Negro patrons would be insignificant and where the refusal to serve them would be a hardship to them. In cases of this kind the whites are much at fault, doing injustice to the Negro and displaying very bad manners.

On the other hand, the Negro is often at fault in seeking accommodations where he does not need them and where his patronage would be disagreeable to the white people and injurious to their business.

In all Northern cities having Negro inhabitants, there are many places of resort where Negro patronage is understood to be desired, and others where it is not. Certain hotels in predominantly white districts, certain fashionable restaurants, barber shops, beauty parlors, ice cream parlors, and clothing stores, do not want Negro patrons. In many cases Negro patronage is turned away, not because of prejudice on the part of the proprietor, but because of pure business considerations. White proprietors of certain classes of establishments know that the presence of Negroes in any considerable number would drive away their more desirable white patrons. The Negroes generally know where they are welcome and where they are not, and their good sense keeps them away from places where their presence might involve embarrassment to both races.

However, there is a small class of Negroes of obtuse sensibilities who, obsessed with their legal rights, delight in intruding where they are not wanted, thereby offending the white people and intensifying race prejudice. For any citizen to go where his presence is unwelcome or injurious to the business of a white proprietor, provided other accommodations are available, is neither fair nor good manners. statutory decree can give one the moral right to offend or injure another when he might avoid doing either without harm to himself. No. self-respecting white man wishes to intrude himself where he is not wanted. Most of the race friction could be avoided by the exercise on the part of both the whites and blacks of common sense and good

manners.

The mass of colored people in the North as in the South have both common sense and good manners, and are no more inclined than white people to go where they are not wanted. Says Frank Quillin in an article in the Independent on "The Negro in Cleveland":

"Ordinarily the colored people of Cleveland are very thoughtful about intruding themselves upon the white people in any way that would be disagreeable for either race. This is shown in their attitude toward frequenting the white man's eating place or restaurant. When I asked any of the white people about this, the usual reply was, 'Well, since I come to think about it, I never see a colored man in any restaurant where I eat. I suppose they would feed him if he should come in, but as he knows that there is generally some feeling about that question, I suppose he has the good sense to stay away or patronize his own restaurant.' And that he does, for his own self-respect."

CHAPTER 6

THE NEGRO AS A CITIZEN

His Part in Politics-Bad Influence of the Negro Vote in Some Cities-Share of the Negro in the Spoils of Office

N the Northern and Western states there are no franchise laws

IN

which prevent any considerable number of Negroes from voting. All of the Negroes are Republicans, partly because they credit their emancipation to the Republican party, partly because they are a gregarious people, and would probably vote according to color even if they had been emancipated by the free will of their masters. If the Negroes would divide on the basis of convictions and vote independently, each political party would be attentive to Negro public opinion and eager to pick out properly qualified Negroes for office.

At present the Negro vote is large enough to hold the balance of power in Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, and could turn the scale of the presidential vote in any of these states. But the Negroes always vote one way and no party ever concerns itself seriously about such a group. The Negro voters need not be considered in the formulation of policies or the nomination of candidates. All that is necessary to keep them in line is to throw them a few political plums and not entirely overlook them in the distribution of campaign funds. A considerable element of the Negro citizens expect substantial rewards for their votes, and if they fail to get them they make loud complaints, threatening to vote against their party or not to vote at all. The clamor of the Negroes for compensation for their franchises gives to their patriotism a sordid aspect which often excites the contempt of party leaders and the party press. In some cities the Negro vote is decidedly venal, especially in municipal elections.

"In Springfield," says Baker, "there were about 1,500 Negro voters, many of whom were bought at every election. The Democrats and Republicans were so evenly divided that the city administration was Democratic and the county administration Republican. The venal Negro vote went to the highest bidder, carried the elections, and, with the whiskey influence, governed the town.

"In the South the Negro has been disfranchised by law or by intimidation; in the North by cash. Which is worse?" 1

The Cincinnati Post, speaking of the Negro as a political factor in that city, says: "In one ward 2,793 between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-one are registered, exceeding the number in the next most thickly populated ward by more than 600. These men will be voted en bloc, and so determine the city's mayor, its judges and other officials." 2

The Negroes have made a poor showing in the political conventions. Here they often decide the contest between rival aspirants, and the temptation is very great for the white boss to influence the Negro vote with cash. Norman P. Andrews in an article entitled "The Negro in Politics," published in the Journal of Negro History, October, 1920, says:

"Early in the winter of the year when the president is to be nominated, persons supporting the administration usually visit the South laying plans for lining up these prospective delegates. Politicians interested in other candidates make similar tours through the South sometimes lavishly handling funds to the extent of buying up delegates."

The Negro author, Thomas, says that the colored man is regarded as a "political commodity, to be bought and sold to the highest bidder; and he has been, and is, bought and sold in state and national conventions by men who pose as examples of integrity and champions of the rights of man." 3

There is no more disgusting sight than to witness the coddling, fawning, and general effacement of self-respect among the white delegates at any convention where the Negro vote is a factor. One of the chief reasons why the white Republicans in the South favor a "lily white" party is that the methods which have to be employed at political conventions to influence the Negro vote are repellent to white men of moral stamina.

In states and counties where Negroes are a considerable element of the population, they have to be appeased occasionally by the election or appointment of one of their number to an office. In most cases qualifications are ignored, the choice of the Negro to be rewarded being generally left to the Negroes themselves.

In Massachusetts there is generally one Negro member of the lower house of the legislature. In Ohio there is usually one in the lower Following the Color Line, pp. 202-3. "Quoted by the Public, June 15, 1917. The American Negro, p. 311.

house, and occasionally two members of the house and one of the senate. When the Republicans place a Negro on their ticket the Democrats sometimes also put a Negro on their ticket for the same office with a view of dividing the Negro vote. Negroes often sit as members of a city council or board of aldermen.

The Negroes, however, are generally placated by the gift of some appointive office of minor importance. There are many Negro janitors about the state capitols, county courthouses, city halls, and other public buildings. In Ohio a Negro sometimes gets the job of deputy sheriff, assistant county clerk, court reporter, or policeman.

In speaking frankly about the Negro's part in politics in the North, it would be well to keep in mind the fact that the Negro of that section is concentrated in the big cities, and that the white politicians of those cities have been generally men of a low type of citizenship, often very corrupt, and have not set the Negro a good example of civic righteous

ness.