occasioned the chief troubles of his future reign. This was, to make an adequate and honourable provision for his Norman followers, without exciting the jealousy of his new subjects. Many of the military chiefs who had attached themselves to his standard, had accompanied him under the most solemn assurances, that they should share in his prosperity. Their expectations were now unbounded, and their claims exorbitant. The lands and treasures of Harold and his brethren, as well as the possessions of those chiefs who had fallen in battle, were of course confiscated, and divided among these rapacious Normans; but this was but as a drop to the ocean, It was necessary to devise new expediments, and some of these, particularly the revival of the odious tax of "Danegelt," which Edward the Confessor had abolished, excited great dissatisfaction, though it lay for a time concealed.

In the first year of his reign, William resolved on visiting his continental dominions, and partly from ostentation and partly for security, took with him a splendid retinue of English nobles, including all who were likely to stir up insurrections during his absence. Odo, bishop of Bayeux, his brother, and Fitzosberne, a Norman favourite, were appointed joint-regents, till his return. But while the king was displaying his wealth and the magnificence of his court, to his former subjects; storms were gathering at home, which threatened the speedy subversion of his authority. The discontents which had been restrained by his presence, broke out into murmurs and revolts, as soon as that restraint was withdrawn. These were enkindled by the haughty and oppressive conduct of the Norman barons, and by the rigorous administration of the regents. The flame spread rapidly, so that at the same time symptoms of revolt appeared in Kent, Herefordshire, and several of the northern counties. It was even rumoured, that a general massacre of the Normans would be attempted by the English.

These alarming indications, however, vanished at William's return; who, by a judicious mixture of lenity and firmness, restored public tranquillity, and seemed to reconcile all parties. But this reconciliation proved

both transient and insincere. A succession of conspiracies, insurrections and revolts, (which it would be tedious minutely to describe,) quickly followed each other; some of which were headed by the most powerful English chiefs, and others promoted by the kings of Scotland and Denmark. These repeated proofs of the disaffection of his subjects at length impelled the king to the adoption of more severe and arbitrary measures. Policy indeed prevented him from making public examples of those nobles who had been repeatedly pardoned, and as often erected the standard of rebellion; but he resolved to take signal vengeance on some of the revolted provinces. In the year 1070, he marched his army through several of the northern counties, which had proved most refractory, and put their inhabitants to the sword with indiscriminate fury. If the historians of that age have not coloured too deeply this horrible picture, never were greater atrocities perpetrated by the most sanguinary tyrant, than those which the Norman conqueror committed during this expedition. Not less. than one hundred thousand men, women and children, are said to have perished by famine and the sword within the space of a few months. The whole country between York and Durham was transformed into a dreary desert, without human dwelling, without culture, and without inhabitants, in which melancholy condition it remained about nine years. The possessions of the greater part of the English nobility were confiscated under various pretences, and given to the rapacious Norman barons, who now occupied all places of power and profit, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military.

Since it had now become necessary to keep the English in subjection by the strong arm of power, the most vigorous measures were adopted for that purpose. Castles of great strength were built within many of the principal cities and towns during this reign, particularly those at Warwick, Nottingham, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Lincoln, York, and the Tower of London. All these were intrusted to Norman governors, and defended by foreign garrisons; while the inhabitants were disarmed, and placed under the most odious restrictions.

It is difficult to determine between the contradictory statements of Norman and Saxon historians, how far these strong measures were acts of arbitrary oppression, or means of self-defence which the state of the times justified. It is not improbable that the Norman favourites, by whom this prince was surrounded, prompted him to acts of injustice, either with the hope of sharing in the plunder, or from a desire of revenge.

There was however one distinguished individual, who though a foreigner, acted a truly patriotic part at this calamitous period, and moderated the rage of contending factions. This was Lanfranc, an Italian by birth, afterwards abbot of a monastery at Caen in Normandy, and preferred by William to the archbishopric of Canterbury. This prelate had great influence over the mind of the king, and exerted it for the most benevolent purposes. He not unfrequently ventured to remonstrate against the arbitrary measures of the court, reminding the king of the pledge he had given in his coronation oath, to govern according to law. To the ascendency of this amiable prelate it is probably to be ascribed, that though iusurrections were frequent during the greater part of this reign, scarcely an instance occurred of public execution, and the most rebellious chiefs were frequently pardoned.

The state of England being at length unusually tranquil, the principal malecontents having been driven into exile, and a treaty made with Malcolm king of Scotland, who had openly espoused the cause of Edgar Atheling; William embraced the opportunity to pay a second visit to Normandy, where his presence was necessary to correct some disorders which had crept in, and to chastise some rebellious peers in his hereditary dominions. This expedition occupied the greater part of the years 1073 and 1074, during which no events occurred of peculiar importance.

Chron. Saxon. Hoveden. Ingulph. M. Paris. Malmsbury. Dunelm, &c. &c.

REFLECTIONS.

The volume of experience, no less than that of inspiration, teaches, that "it is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth." The martial hero is not formed without early discipline; it is necessary that he be conversant with dangers, and early accustomed to labours, hardships and sufferings. Who can doubt that the circumstances of difficulty, in which the duke of Normandy was placed in early youth, tended to produce that intrepidity of character-that unyielding firmness-that invincible courage,-which were displayed in future life and that they formed the grand preparative for the toils and hazards that awaited him? Nor is early discipline less requisite to form the moral hero. If persons have only been accustomed from their youth to recline on the couch of ease, or to slumber on the lap of self-indulgence, they are ill prepared to encounter the storms of life; to buffet the waves of adversity; or to sustain the scorching ray of temptation. Such must be expected to faint beneath the pressure of calamity, or to turn their backs in the day of battle.' It is when early trained to bear the yoke of discipline, of self-denial, and especially of affliction, that a firmness of mind, a steadiness of principle, a hardihood of soul is acquired, that cannot fail to be beneficial in future life.

Let us not disdain to learn from the conquerors of this world, how to sustain the conflict with our depraved affections and sinful habits, so that we may ultimately triumph. This victory is not to be achieved without the most determined and persevering resistance. Caution is no less necessary than courage in this moral warfare. After having obtained any signal success, we must not "be high-minded, but fear." We must follow up the victory with a firm step, till every tendency to evil shall be destroyed, and the triumph of holiness shall be complete. The Norman conqueror found that it was much easier to rout the English army in open combat, than to allay the discontents and conciliate the affections of the people

whom he had conquered. Nor have we so much to fear from the direct assaults of temptation, or the open hostility of the enemies of religion, as from the latent depravity of our own hearts, and those internal foes, which, though often vanquished, return to the charge; or which, like so many bitter roots, perpetually spring up to trouble us.

The chief cause of the discontents and calamities that disturbed the first years of William's reign, was the insatiable rapacity of which he was himself the subject, and which was still more predominant among his numerous dependants. This first prompted him to those acts of injustice and oppression, which alienated the affections of his subjects, and obliged him (to rule by terror an enslaved people. That evangelical precept is not less essential to human happiness than to christian morality-" Take heed and beware of covetousness." Whether we occupy a public or a private station, if we yield to an avaricious temper, it will tarnish our reputation and destroy our peace; it will prove a perpetual source of disquietude and alarm; it will rob us of that true dignity to which otherwise we might have attained, and of that exalted felicity, which otherwise we might have enjoyed. How affecting, and yet how true, the representation given by an inspired writer, of the influence of this hateful passion! "They that will be "rich, fall into temptation and a snare, and into many "foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruc"tion and perdition. For the love of money is the root " of all evil, which, while some coveted after, they have "erred from the faith, and pierced themselves through "with many sorrows."