to conclude a treaty with them on easy terms, and return to the continent. But though Cæsar deemed it prudent to withdraw from Britain for a time, he was far from intending to abandon the enterprise. He retired for the purpose of making preparations for a second invasion on a far more extended scale, early in the ensuing spring. So little impression had been made by his first expedition, that no sooner were his forces withdrawn, than the treaty was forgotten. The stipulated hostages were not sent; the promised tribute was not paid. This violation of public faith was urged by Cæsar as a sufficient pretext for renewed hostilities. As early as the season permitted, he passed over into Britain with augmented forces, resolved to chastise the insolence and faithlessness of the barbarians. It would neither interest nor profit the reader to be furnished with a circumstantial detail of the skirmishes and battles fought during this campaign, in which all that rude undisciplined valour, fired by patriotism and an ardent love of liberty, could effect on the one part; was rendered unavailing, by combined bravery and skill on the other. The British tribes at length became convinced of the necessity of union, if they would successfully oppose so formidable a foe. They therefore elected Cassibelaunus, king of the Trinobantes, their commander-inchief; who proved himself well worthy of the trust reposed in him. He harassed the enemy in all his movements, cut off his supplies, and returned to the charge as often as he was defeated. At length, however, his capital (supposed to have been Verulam, or St. Albans,) was taken and burnt, and he himself was reluctantly compelled to solicit peace of the Romans, through the mediation of Comius. New troubles having, in the mean time, arisen in Gaul, Cæsar readily granted his request, and abandoned Britain a second time, to return no more. Not even a colony was planted in the island, nor a fortress erected on its shores. This important fact is of itself sufficient to disprove the self-flattering tale which Cæsar has told; and confirms the testimony of other Roman historians, who affirm that he was frequently defeated, and at length compelled to abandon the enterprise. Can it be believed that so ambitious a general would have been satisfied to reap no other advantages from two successive campaigns, in which his best troops were employed, than those of restoring an exiled native prince, obtaining a few British captives to march in procession through the streets of Rome, and collecting a corslet of British pearls to present to Venus, as a trophy of victory? It is at least sufficiently evident, that the authority of the Romans in Britain, long after this period, was rather nominal than real; and that the testimony of a distinguished Latin poet, who graced the Augustan age, was fully justified by facts, viz., that "the Britons were yet unconquered*.' Cæs. Com. de Bell. Gall, Sueton. in vit. Jul. Cæs. Diod. Sibul. 1. 5. REFLECTIONS. How insatiable is ambition! What wretched excuses does it invent by which to palliate the most atrocious crimes, and justify enterprises in which the lives of thousands are sacrificed to gratify the pride of one! Notwithstanding the varnished tale which Cæsar has told, it is easy to perceive that he was prompted alone by an unprincipled ambition; and that he cared not what desolations he inflicted on others, if he could bind another laurel round his blood-stained brow. Nor does this charge apply to Cæsar alone. Such has been the character of conquerors in all ages, and such the history of war amongst all nations, whether barbarous or civilized; whether in ancient or modern times; whether Pagan, Mahommedan, or Christian. But whilst the guilty instruments of these public calamities are deservedly reprobated, let not the overruling providence of God be forgotten. The hand of the Most Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus. TIBUL. LUCAN. High may be distinctly traced in all the events which have been narrated in the preceding pages. A barbarous nation was to be gradually civilized, and prepared to receive the gospel of Christ. The "day of the Lord drew nigh." The time was at hand in which the Messiah was to appear, and these "terrible things in righteousness" were no less necessary than the visions of prophecy, and the ministry of John, to "prepare the way of the Lord, and make straight in the desert a highway for our God." Amongst men of the world, policy not unfrequently takes the place of justice; and the end is supposed to sanctify the means. The questions they are accustomed to propose to themselves, when engaging in any enterprise, are not, "what is consonant to the principles of equity and justice," or "what is right in the sight of God;" but," will this undertaking advance my temporal interest, or augment my reputation; and if so, how may it best be justified before men, and by what measures may success be ensured?" Upon these principles of worldly policy, Cæsar acted, when he promised friendship and protection to a people whom he had secretly resolved to enslave; the Britons too were influenced by similar motives, when they concluded solemn treaties, which were violated as soon as made. But whatever may be the conduct of the men of this world, so does not the man of piety, "because of the fear of God." His first inquiry will be, "Lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" and his first prayer, "let integrity and uprightness preserve me." His experience will testify, that the path of duty alone is that of security and honour; for though a crooked policy may appear for a time to succeed, it will eventually be found that those who plant snares for others, are taken in their own devices, while "the righteousness of the upright delivers them out of trouble.' It reflects no small credit on the aboriginal Britons, that they resisted so effectually the veteran legions of Rome, led on by their most experienced commander, as ultimately to expel them from the island; or at least to prevent their final settlement. But it should be remembered that they were indebted for their success, not to their bravery alone, but chiefly to their union. So long as the British tribes fought separately, though with the utmost fortitude, they were the easy prey of the Romans; but when they united their forces under one distinguished chief, when they rallied round one standard and acted in concert, they were crowned with partial success. From their example, let Christians learn, when their common faith is assailed-and that hallowed cause, which should be far dearer to them than all party interests, endangeredto lay aside their mutual jealousies, to rally round the standard of Revelation, and with united energies to contend for the faith once delivered to the saints. So will it be recorded of them with far greater truth, and in a higher sense than that in which it has been applied to Britons, whether in ancient or modern times, that they are invincible. ESSAY III. On the gradual Establishment of the Romans in Britain. A. C. 54-A. D. 85. A STATE of uninterrupted repose from foreign invasion was enjoyed by the Britons during the administration of the three first Roman emperors. Though the stipu lated tribute was not paid, and the hostages, which were promised, as a pledge of fidelity, were withheld; no attempt was made to enforce the fulfilment of the treaty. Augustus did indeed repeatedly threaten to send an army into Britain, and he professed to levy troops for that purpose; but either he was not serious in his intention, or was prevented from executing it by commotions in other parts of his empire. It was the avowed policy of Tiberius to contract, rather than extend, the limits of an empire, which had become unwieldly by its conquests in every part of the then known world. He felt therefore little disposed to undertake a task, which the most illustrious of his ancestors had found both hazardous and unprofitable. Caligula rendered himself ridiculous by making splendid preparations for the invasion of Britain, and returning to Rome in triumph, without having so much as touched on its shores. But at length, in the reign of Claudius, who was the most stupid and contemptible of all the Cæsars, the attempt was renewed with vigour and ultimate success. Several British exiles of distinguished rank fled to the court of Rome for protection, and solicited the emperor's assistance in the recovery of their possessions and dignity. As it appeared from their representation, that several of the chiefs were alienated from each other by mutual jealousies, and that the country was rendered in a great measure defenceless by intestine divisions, the moment was judged peculiarly favourable. Plautius, who was then the most distinguished of the Roman generals, was intrusted with its execution. The legions appointed to this service were, at first, reluctant to embark, accounting Britain so remote a station, as to be almost out of the world; but were at length induced, by their attachment to Plautius, to accompany him in this perilous enterprise. The Romans landed without opposition, and gained in a short time many signal victories over the Britons. In this expedition, Plautius was powerfully aided by Vespasian and his son Titus, both of whom afterwards filled with high reputation the imperial throne. When these Roman generals had made sufficient progress to ensure the speedy termination of the contest, they informed the emperor of their successes, and flattered his vanity by requesting him to come over, and complete the conquest of Britain. On his arrival, Claudius marched to encounter Caractacus, the younger son of Cunobelinus or Cymbeline, on whose courage and talents the Britons placed their chief dependance. But their hopes were vain; Caractacus was totally defeated in a general battle; his kingdom ravaged, and his ancient capital Camelodunum, (now Maldon,) reduced to ashes. The situation of this depopulated city was however deemed so eligible, that the emperor immediately fixed upon it, as the residence of -the first Roman colony planted on the island. Its walls and entrenchments were immediately repaired by order of |