It is seen here that the countries which produce the lead also produce the Syrian copper, and that though the lead list is much shorter than the copper one the countries do not differ. Lead is always an uncommon metal in the Egyptian inscriptions, but here its evidence agrees with that of the copper in being quite a common product of the mainland of Syria. but it is perhaps even more definite than the evidence of the copper. For while there is only a strong presumption that the Egyptians got their Asy copper from the mainland, as they did the rest of this metal, which was called Asiatic, on the other hand for the lead we have the definite statement, that it is not found in Cyprus. Therefore a lead-producing land cannot be situated in this island1).

The lead then agrees with the ivory in pointing away from Cyprus to the mainland.

§ 21. Finally it must be added that Asy is never called an island or distinguished in any way from the other lands, which are mainland. The results of the foregoing sections are, that of the two points in favour of the identity of the XVIIIth dynasty Asy with Cyprus, the one is founded upon an unproved connection, which has been set up between the name Asy and the Ptolemaic names Seb and Sebynai, which are undoubtedly the terms, by which the Ptolemaic scribes rendered Cyprus into hieroglyphs. The other, the production of copper, has been shown to be clearly distinctive of N. Syria, while its connection with Cyprus at this period can be only hypothetical, and from the epithet applied, improbable.

The foundations therefore appear under the new condition of things not to be indisputable, and added to this there are the two difficulties of the export of ivory tusks and the lead. Of these the ivory more probably comes from the mainland, and the lead is known to come from the mainland, but cannot be proved for Cyprus.

1) Unless it be considered that the lead was procured from elsewhere by trade, and then exported thence to Egypt. But the same might be said of the copper. Therefore it seems simpler to transfer Asy to the position in which all these products are found together.

Added to all this is the fact that the Egyptians themselves never speak of Asy as an island or differentiate it in any way from the other countries of the mainland. In fact there is nothing in the inscriptions even to give the impression, that Asy has a sea-bord.

§ 22. Having found that there is at least a possibility that Asy may not be Cyprus, but may be on the mainland, as was found to be the case with Alashia, the few definite facts, which are known about her must be discussed. These are contained only in the Geographical Lists, but after discussing these an analysis of a series of the campaigns of Thothmes III will be attempted. This second piece of evidence will be found to be confirmatory, but naturally, being theoretical, it must be of a quality different to that supplied by the lists.

The Geographical Lists, which give data about the position of Asy, are the six inscriptions nos. 4. 7. 9. 10. 12. 13. of the Appendix. They are extracted and grouped here for comparison.

4. Thothmes III. The Western Land, Keftiu and Asy.

9. Seti I.

11.

12.

14. Rameses II.
15.

Pabekh. Tikhsi. Asy. Issu. Tunip.
Pabekh. ? Asy. Mannus.

Qadesh. Pabekh, Qedna. Asy. Mannus.
Naharain. Singara. Kheta. Keftiu. Asy.
Asy. Alasa. Kheta. Singara. Kefṭu.

§ 23. Here the evidence all goes to show that Asy, like Alasa, was grouped with the nations of the far North. The two lists show a number of names that are common to both lands1), i. e. Naharain. Kheta. Singara. Tikhsi. From these common neighbours it is evident, that Asy and Alasa must be very near to each other. But both Alasa and Asy also present another set of neighbours, that are each distinctive of their respective lands). These neighbours of Asy are: Pabekh. Qedna. Tunip. Qadesh. Mannus. Issu. Keftiu.

These remainders, which are peculiar to one or other of the lands, ought to be helpful in determining their respective positions. The remainder appertaining to Asy seems to divide itself into two halves i. e. the first four and the last three.

Of the first four Pabekh is unfortunately not identified, but it evidently belongs to the North3), Qedna 4) stands for the Katna of the Tell el Amarna

1) Of course no. 15 must be omitted, as both Asy and Alasa occur here, hence it cannot be decided through which influence the names were included. 2) The neighbours which figure with Alasa only are: Akko. Megiddo. Ḥamtu. Amorite Land. Qode. Carchemish and Arvad.

3) The lists, other than those quoted above, run: Kheta. Pabekh. Aratiu (? Arvad) Asien p. 292, Tunip. Iratiug (?). Pabekh. Mannus. LD III, 131 a.

4) See Weber's notes in Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, p. 1108.

2*

Letters which is probably somewhere between Hamath and Homs. Akizzi, the king of this city, is evidently situated close to Tunip, which latter cannot be far from Aleppo. It has been suggested that Tunip is represented by the modern Tennib N. W. of Aleppo 1), though it may have to be situated more to the South, in the direction of Qadesh. Qadesh of course is on the Orontes down in the South.

Therefore this first division of neighbours directs us to the West, or the South West, of Aleppo. But by the lands which are common to both Asy and Alasa we are confined to the extreme North of this district, somewhere in the neighbourhood of Naharain, Kheta and Singara.

This brings us to the second division of neighbours peculiar to Asy, which is quite a separate group, consisting of three places Mannus, Keftiu and Issu.

Mannus is identified as Mallus in Cilicia). Keftiu is at anyrate a western land3) whether Crete, or as was once supposed Cilicia1). Finally there is Issu. Can this be Issus, which is not far from Mallus?

Here then is a curious little group apparently stretching west from the Gulf of Issus. It is interesting to note, that it is appended only to Asy, and not to Alashia. This tends to show that Asy was more closely in connection with this group of the far North-West than was even Alasa, which is so closely connected with the nations of the far North-Kheta and Singara.

This would imply that Asy was nearer to these western nations than was Alasa, and therefore further to the North than Alasa, four of whose peculiar neighbours are situated to the South.

§ 24. A comparison of the two sets of distinctive neighbours shows, that while Alasa's affinities are all Syrian, Asy's are partly Syrian, but also partly Asia Minor. This no doubt will account for the fact, that in quotation 4 Asy is grouped with Keftiu as representative of the West. For one of her neighbours Mallus is actually just round the corner to the West, and since the Egyptian empire north of Arvad confined itself to the lands east of Lebanon, it is quite possible, that the Egyptians were accustomed to think of all the lands on the other side of this range as the West, being as they were to the west of their dominions. From such a point of view Cilicia would merely be an extra extension of these western lands, and would only serve to strengthen the feeling.

§ 25. To this position, in the North of Syria and having connections with Cilicia, which is provided by the monuments, may be added the results of an analysis, and comparative study of a series of the campaigns

1) Asien, pp. 257. 258. 2) Asien, p. 344.

3) See Appendix quotation no. 4, where it is taken as typical of the West. 4) Asien, p. 337.

of Thothmes III. It will be remembered, that Kheta and Singara were so closely connected with Alashia and have been found in quotation 14 to be also connected with Asy independently of any influence of Alasa. Yet again this inland pair occurs in connection with Asy, for these three all make their first appearance in history within one year of each other that is to say during the VIIIth and IXth campaigns of Thothmes III1). Evidently some event, which affected these two inland states affected Asy also. On Asy's next appearance 2) she comes with a state still further inland -r-r-h which Müller) considers as the later Arrapachitis. Campaigns VIII and IX of Thothmes III's 33rd and 34th years are the critical ones, but to make their importance clear, it must be remarked that campaigns V, VI and VII, besides being directed against the inland towns such as Qadesh and Tunip, were all coast campaigns, the cities as far north as Simyra and Arvad being attacked and captured. In campaign VII for the first time Thothmes has supplies laid up in the harbours; no doubt as a preparation for campaign VIII. Now had Asy been Cyprus we may well ask how it was, that if she thought it best on the near approach of Egypt to send presents, she did not send them now, at any rate after the seventh campaign, which for the third time. brought the Egyptian arms as far north along the coast as ever they came. After three appearances at places as near to Cyprus as one can go without leaving Syria, and apparently after three sets of naval operations, there was surely time for Cyprus to be getting anxious. However nothing is heard of her.

§ 26. Campaign VIII in year 33 is the most far-reaching of all Thothmes' many campaigns. On this occasion he appears to have fought a

Δ

Δ

battle near Aleppo and then again at Carchemish), after which he crossed the Euphrates, set up a tablet beside that of Thothmes I, and then fought in Naharain 5).

The result of this brilliant dash is interesting. For the first time in history we hear of Kheta and Singara. They are both seriously frightened and promptly send presents that same year: for Thothmes is at their very gates. Campaign IX confined itself once more to the coast and to Syria, and though there is no indication whatever of any attack on Asy, yet we find, that this is the moment, that Asy makes her first appearance in history, also bringing presents. It seems impossible not to connect the first appearances, which these three peoples made at the same time and under the similar circumstances of bringing tribute with

1) BAR II, §§ 484. 485. 493. 2) BAR II, §§ 511. 512.
3) Asien 279. 4) BAR II, §§ 582. 583.

5) BAR II, §§ 478. 479.

the striking event which immediately preceded them, or in other words the inland campaign VIII.

But it is to be noticed, that Asy differentiates herself in two ways from the other two; in the first place by her failure to feel the effects of the inland campaign so urgently as did Kheta and Singara. This leads to the presumption, that she was not so near the seat of war as were the latter two. In the second place she differentiates herself from the two inland powers by hurrying to bring her presents, as soon as the conqueror makes his next appearance on the coast. The fear was not so much that Thothmes would invade her from the land side in campaign VIII, as he had turned away east; but that having once shown himself attentive to the far North, when next he appears on the sea-coast-only one year afterwards there is quite a possibility that he may be meditating a corresponding northerly campaign along the coastline.

§ 27. A glance at the map will show that a state north of Arvad and anywhere to the north-west of Lebanon must have looked upon the Egyptian doings with considerably more apprehension after campaign VIII than it did before. Now such a state was actually hemmed in both on the East and South, whereas up to the present it had been quite outside the Egyptian sphere, and was merely brought into the neighbourhood of Egyptian aggression by an advance from one direction only-the South—, and even then the results of that advance would be necessarily circumscribed owing to the nature of the country. This state of affairs however could not affect Cyprus.

Such a position as this will explain why Asy came during campaign IX rather than during campaign VIII, although there is nothing to show that Thothmes menaced her in any way. In fact, he appears to have confined himself to the coast of Phoenicia about S. Lebanon in the Tyre and Sidon district1). This was well within his own boundary, being far to the south of Simyra, Ullaza, and Arvad which had been subdued in campaigns V, VI and VII). Hence campaign IX can have nothing to do with the apprehension of Asy, and we are referred back to campaign VIII for a cause.

Neither this connection with the inland Kheta and Singara, nor yet the differentiation from them would have any force, if Asy were situated in Cyprus. Both are however entirely explained by the position assigned to Asy on the monuments, that is to say in the neighbourhood of Tunip, Tikhsi, Naharain etc. This neighbourhood must be understood in its natural sense to satisfy the connection, while the differentiation is satisfied by the information that Asy was a western land with connections with the coast of Cilicia.