minister justice on a double, discriminatory standard, and that a presumption of guilt attaches whenever a policeman testifies against a Negro.219 Significant grievances concerning Federal programs were expressed in a large majority of the 20 cities, but appeared to be one of the most serious complaints in only one.220 Criticism of the Federal antipoverty programs focused on insufficient participation by the poor, lack of continuity, and inadequate funding. Other significant grievances involved urban renewal, insufficient community participation in planning and decisionmaking, and inadequate employment pro grams. Services provided by municipal governments-sanitation and garbage removal, health and hospital facilities, and paving and lighting of streets-were sources of complaint in approximately half of the cities, but appeared to be among the most serious grievances in only one. 221 Grievances concerning unfair commercial practices affecting Negro consumers were found in approximately half of the cities, but appeared to be one of the most serious complaints in only two.222 Beliefs were expressed that Negroes are sold inferior quality goods (particularly meats and produce) at higher prices and are subjected to excessive interest rates and fraudulent commercial practices. Grievances relating to the welfare system were expressed in more than half of the 20 cities, but were not among the most serious complaints in any of the cities. There were complaints related to the inadequacy of welfare payments, "unfair regulations," such as the "man in the house" rule, which governs welfare eligibility, and the sometimes hostile and contemptuous attitude of welfare workers. The Commission's recommendations for reform of the welfare system are based on the necessity of attacking the cycle of poverty and dependency in the ghetto. Discrimination in employment and promotion of Negroes.... General lack of respect for Negroes, i.e., using 3. Inadequate housing (found in at least one of the following forms in 18 cities): Poor housing code enforcement__ 4. Inadequate education (found in at least one of the following forms in 17 cities): De facto segregation_‒‒‒ Poor quality of instruction and facilities____ Inadequacy of curriculum (e.g., no Negro history) Inadequate Negro representation on school board Poor vocational education or none at all--5. Political structure and grievance mechanism (found in at least one of the following forms in 16 cities): Lack of adequate Negro representation_-_- Grievance mechanism nonexistent or inade- 6. Inadequate programs (found in at least one of the following forms in 16 cities): Poverty programs (OEO) (e.g., insufficient 7. Discriminatory administration of justice (found in at least one of the following forms in 15 cities): Discriminatory treatment in the courts____ Lower courts act as arm of police department rather than as an objective arbiter in truly adversary proceedings-‒‒‒‒ Presumption of guilt when policeman testifies against Negro___. 8. Poor recreation facilities and programs (found in at least one of the following forms in 15 cities): Inadequate facilities (parks, playgrounds, athletic fields, gymnasiums, and pools).. Lack of organized programs.. 9. Racist and other disrespectful white attitudes (found in at least one of the following forms in 15 cities): Racism and lack of respect for dignity of General animosity toward Negroes. Discrimination in hiring by local and state government 9 Discrimination in placement by state em 15 10 10. Inadequate and poorly administered welfare programs (found in at least one of the following forms in 14 cities): Unfair qualification regulations (e.g., “man 15 15 55 in the house" rule).... 6 Attitude of welfare workers toward recipients 13 The total of points for each category is the product of the number of cities times the number of points indicated at the top of each double column, except where two grievances were judged equally serious. In these cases the total points for the two rankings involved were divided equally (e.g., in case two were judged equally suitable for the 1st priority, the total points for 1st and 2d were divided, and each received 31⁄2 points). V. THE AFTERMATH OF DISORDER "We will all do our best for a peaceful future together." "Next time we'll really get the so and so's." We have sought to determine whether any of these expressions accurately characterizes events in the immediate aftermath of the 20 surveyed disorders. We are conducting continuing studies of the postdisorder climate in a number of cities.223 But we have tried to make a preliminary judgment at this point. To do so, we considered: Changes in Negro and white organizations; Official and civic responses to the social and economic conditions and grievances underlying the disorders; Police efforts to increase capacity to control future outbreaks; Efforts to repair physical damage. We conclude that: In several cities, the principal official response was to train and equip the police and auxiliary law enforcement agencies with more sophisticated weapons; In several cities, Negro communities sought to develop greater unity to negotiate with the larger community and to initiate self-help efforts in the ghetto; In several cities, there has been increased distrust between blacks and whites, less interracial communication, and growth of white segregationist or black separatist groups. Often several of these developments occurred simultaneously within a city. Detroit provides a notable example of the complexity of postdisorder events. Shortly after the riot, many efforts to ameloriate the grievances of ghetto residents and to improve interracial communication were announced and begun by public and private organizations. The success of these efforts and their reception by the Negro community were mixed. More recently, militant separatist organizations of both races appear to be growing in influence. Some of the most significant of the postriot develop ments were: OFFICIAL AND OTHER COMMUNITY ACTIONS The New Detroit Committee (NDC), organized under the cosponsorship of the Mayor of Detroit and the Governor of "It won't happen again." "Nothing much changed here one way or the other." Michigan, originally had a membership ranging from top industrialists to leading black militant spokesmen. NDC was envisioned as the central planning body for Detroit's rejuvenation. However, it had an early setback last fall when the state legislature rejected its proposals for a statewide fair housing ordinance and for more state aid for Detroit's schools. In January 1968, NDC's broad interracial base was seriously weakened when black militant members resigned in a dispute over the conditions set for a proposed NDC-supported grant of $100,000 to a black militant organization. To deal with the employment problem, the Ford Motor Co. and other major employers in Detroit promised several thousand additional jobs to Detroit's hard-core unemployed. At least 55,000 persons were hired by some 17 firms. Ford, for example, established two employment offices in the ghetto. Reports vary on the results of these programs. Steps taken to improve education after the riot include the appointment of Negroes to seven out of 18 supervisory positions in the Detroit school system. Before the summer of 1967 none of these positions was held by a Negro. Michigan Bell Telephone Co. announced that it would "adopt" one of Detroit, July 1967 Detroit's public high schools and initiate special programs in it. Detroit's school board failed to obtain increased aid from the state legislature and announced plans to bring a novel suit against the state to force higher per capita aid to ghetto schools. There are signs of increased hostility toward Negroes in the white community. One white extremist organization reportedly proposes that whites arm themselves for the holocaust it prophesies. A movement to recall the mayor has gained strength since the riot, and its leader has also pressed to have the fair housing ordinance, passed by the Detroit Common Council, put to a referendum. The police and other law enforcement agencies in Detroit are making extensive plans to cope with any future disorder. The mayor has proposed to the Common Council the purchase of some $2 million worth of police riot equipment, including tanks, armored personnel carriers, and Stoner rifles (a weapon which fires a particularly destructive type of bullet). NEGRO COMMUNITY ACTION A broadly based Negro organization, the City-Wide Citizens Action Committee (CCAC), was formed after the riot by a leading local militant and originally included both militant and moderate members. It stresses self-determination for the black community. For example, it is developing plans for Negro-owned cooperatives and reportedly has demanded Negro participation in planning new construction in the ghetto. CCAC has lost some of its moderate members because it has taken increasingly militant positions, and a rival, more moderate Negro organization, the Detroit Council of Organizations, has been formed. POSTRIOT INCIDENTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE There appears to be a growing division between the black and white communities as well as within the black community itself. Some pawnshops and gun stores have been robbed of firearms, and gun sales reportedly have tripled since the riot. In late 1967 a rent strike took place, some fire bombings were reported, and a new junior high school was seriously damaged by its predominantly Negro student body. Many Negroes interviewed rejected the theory that the 1967 riot immunized Detroit against further disorders. Some believed that a new disturbance may well be highly organized and therefore much more serious. CHANGES IN NEGRO AND WHITE In half the cities surveyed, new organizations concerned with race relations were established or old ones revitalized. No clear trend is apparent. In a few cities, the only apparent changes have been the increased influence of Negro militant separatist or white segregationist groups. 225 In a few cities the organizations identified tended to follow more moderate and integrationist policies.226 A youthful Negro who emerged as a leader during the riot in Plainfield started a new organization which, though militant, is cooperating with and influencing the established, more moderate Negro leadership in the city. And in a few cities, organizations of white segregationists, Negro militants, and moderate integrationists all emerged following the disturbances. In Newark, as in Detroit, both black and white extremist organizations have been active, as well as a prominent integrationist postriot organization, the Committee of Concern. The Committee was formed immediately after the riot and includes leading white businessmen, educators, and Negro leaders. At the same time, leading black militants reportedly gained support among Negro moderates. And a white extremist group achieved prominence-but not success in attempting to persuade the city council to authorize the purchase of police dogs. 227 OFFICIAL AND CIVIC RESPONSE Actions to ameliorate Negro grievances in the 20 cities surveyed were limited and sporadic. With few exceptions, these actions cannot be said to have contributed significantly to reducing the level of tension. Police-Community Relations In eight of the cities surveyed municipal administrations took some action to strengthen police-community relations.228 In Atlanta, immediately after the riot, residents of the disturbance area requested that all regular police patrols be withdrawn because of hostility caused during the riot, when a resident was killed, allegedly by policemen. The request was granted, and for a time the only officers in the area were police-community relations personnel. In Cincinnati, however, a proposal to increase the size of the police-community relations unit and to station the new officers in precinct stations has received little support. Employment Public and private organizations, often including business and industry, made efforts to improve employment opportunities in nine of the cities.229 In Tucson, a joint effort by public agencies and private industry produced 125 private and 75 city jobs. Since most of the city jobs ended with the summer, several companies sought to provide permanent employment for some of those who had been hired by the city. Housing In nine cities surveyed, municipal administrations increased their housing programs.230 In Cambridge, the community relations commission supported the application of a local church to obtain Federal funds for low and moderate income housing. The commission also tried to interest local and national builders in constructing additional low-cost housing. The Dayton city government initiated a program of concentrated housing code enforcement in the ghetto. The housing authority also adopted a policy of dispersing public housing sites and, at the request of Negroes, declared a moratorium on any new public housing in the predominantly Negro West Dayton area. But in Newark, municipal and state authorities continued to pursue a medical center project designed to occupy up to 150 acres in the almost all-Negro Central Ward. The project, bitterly opposed by Negroes before the riot, would have required massive relocation of Negroes and was a source of great tension in the Negro community. However, with the persistent efforts of Federal officials (HUD and HEW), an accommodation appears to have been reached on the issue recently, with reduction of the site to approximately 58 acres. Private organizations attempted to improve the quality of ghetto housing in at least three of the cities surveyed. A Catholic charity in New Jersey announced a plan to build or rehabilitate 100 homes in each of five cities, including three of the cities surveyed (Elizabeth, Jersey City and Newark) and to sell the homes. to low-income residents. The plan received substantial business backing,231 Education In five of the cities surveyed, local governments have taken positive steps to alleviate grievances relating to education.232 In Rockford, residents approved a bond referendum to increase teacher salaries, build schools and meet other educational needs. A portion of this money will be used, with matching state and Federal funds, to construct a vocational and technical center for secondary schools in the Rockford area. In two cities, private companies made substantial contributions to local school systems. The Standard Oil Company of New Jersey donated to the Elizabeth school board a building valued at $500,000 for an administrative center and additional classrooms.233 In four of the cities surveyed, grievances concerning education increased.234 In Cincinnati, recent elections resulted in the seating of two new board of education members who belonged to a taxpayers' group which had twice in 1966 successfully opposed a school bond referendum. Also, racial incidents in the Cincinnati schools increased dramatically in number and severity during the school year. Recreation In four cities, programs have been initiated to increase recreational facilities in ghetto communities.235 A month and a half after the New Brunswick disturbance, local businessmen donated five portable swimming pools to the city. A boat which the city will use as a recreation center was also donated and towed to the city by private companies. Negro Representation The elections of Negro mayors in Cleveland-which experienced the Hough riot in 1966 and Gary have been widely interpreted as significant gains in Negro representation and participation in municipal political structures. In five of the six surveyed cities which have had municipal elections since the 1967 disturbances, however, there has been no change in Negro representation in city hall or in the municipal governing body.236 In New Haven, the one city where there was change, the result was decreased Negro representation on the board of aldermen from five out of 35 to three out of 30. Changes toward greater Negro representation occurred in three other cities in which Negroes were selected as president of the city council and as members of a local civil service commission, a housing authority and a board of adjustment.287 Grievance Machinery There was a positive change in governmental griev ance channels or procedures in two cities.238 But in one case, an effort to continue use of counterrioters as a communications channel was abandoned.239 Federal Programs There are at least 10 examples, in eight cities, of Federal programs being improved or new Federal programs being instituted.240 In two cities disputes have arisen in connection with federally assisted programs.241 Municipal Services Four cities have tried to improve municipal services in disturbance areas.2 242 In Dayton, the city began a |