African-American Social and Political Thought: 1850-1920Howard Brotz Transaction Publishers, 31 ¸.¤. 2011 - 641 ˹éÒ In bringing together the most characteristic and serious writings by black scholars, authors, journalists, and educators from the years that preceded the modem civil rights movement, African-American Social and Political Thought provides a comprehensive guide to the range and diversity of black thought. The volume offers a deep history of how the terms of contemporary debate over the future of black Americans were formed. The writings assembled here reveal a tension and a thread between two essential poles of thought. These include those voices that clearly projected civic assimilation as the goal of black aspiration, and those who described how this aim would be achieved, as well as nationalist or separatist voices that despaired of ever having a dignified future in a biracial society. These two positions reflect the most fundamental questions faced by any minority group. In his forceful and courageous introduction to this new edition, Howard Brotz relates the thoughts and reflections of these black thinkers to the social and political situation of blacks in America today and argues against the political orthodoxy and sociological determinism that perpetuates the image of the black as a perennial and passive victim. In the scope and quality of its contents, African-American Social and Political Thought is a unique, invaluable source book for cultural historians, sociologists, and students of black history. |
¨Ò¡´éÒ¹ã¹Ë¹Ñ§Ê×Í
¼Å¡Òäé¹ËÒ 1 - 5 ¨Ò¡ 86
˹éÒ xxii
... never lost sight of. The first is that though white bigots could resent and even hate a black with expertise or skill, they could not despise him for it. In the presence of the character that independence and competence brought into ...
... never lost sight of. The first is that though white bigots could resent and even hate a black with expertise or skill, they could not despise him for it. In the presence of the character that independence and competence brought into ...
˹éÒ xxiv
... never intended to be citizens by the authors of the founding documents of the American polity, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Written by white men, they were never intended to include blacks in any other status ...
... never intended to be citizens by the authors of the founding documents of the American polity, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Written by white men, they were never intended to include blacks in any other status ...
˹éÒ xxvi
... never spoke of "cultures" in the plural.” There was thus no such thing for him as "white" civilization or culture. Like justice and humanity, civilization was a nonracial or transracial conception. One was either a civilized or educated ...
... never spoke of "cultures" in the plural.” There was thus no such thing for him as "white" civilization or culture. Like justice and humanity, civilization was a nonracial or transracial conception. One was either a civilized or educated ...
˹éÒ 2
... never be politically included in the body politic. This prejudice could be removed only by the complete destruction of the identity of the colored man. Even if this were desirable, which he doubts, it would take ages to effect. Thus, to ...
... never be politically included in the body politic. This prejudice could be removed only by the complete destruction of the identity of the colored man. Even if this were desirable, which he doubts, it would take ages to effect. Thus, to ...
˹éÒ 6
... never live in the same land on terms of equality. Detesting this heresy as we do and believing it to be full of all "deceivableness" of unrighteousness, we shun the paths that lead to it, no matter what taking names they bear, or how ...
... never live in the same land on terms of equality. Detesting this heresy as we do and believing it to be full of all "deceivableness" of unrighteousness, we shun the paths that lead to it, no matter what taking names they bear, or how ...
à¹×éÍËÒ
1 | |
Martin R Delany | 37 |
Edward W Blyden | 112 |
James T Holly | 140 |
Alexander Crummell | 171 |
African Civilization Society | 191 |
Henry Highland Garnet | 199 |
Frederick Douglass | 203 |
T Thomas Fortune | 332 |
Booker T Washington | 351 |
Archibald H Grimke | 464 |
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois | 483 |
Marcus Garvey | 553 |
Sources and Acknowledgments | 577 |
Index | 581 |
©ºÑºÍ×è¹æ - ´Ù·Ñé§ËÁ´
African-American Social and Political Thought: 1850-1920 Howard Brotz,B.William Austin ªÁºÒ§Êèǹ¢Í§Ë¹Ñ§Ê×Í - 2017 |
¤ÓáÅÐÇÅÕ·Õ辺ºèÍÂ
able Africa American become believe better blood called cause character citizens civilization colored common condition Constitution continue course Douglass duty effort elevation equality existence fact feel force freedom friends future give given hand hold hope human hundred idea ignorance important industrial institutions intelligent interest justice labor land less liberty live look matter means millions mind moral nature Negro never North object opinion opportunity persons political position practical prejudice present problem progress question race reason regard respect result schools slave slavery social society South Southern speak spirit stand teachers things thought tion true United universal vote Washington whole