African-American Social and Political Thought: 1850-1920Howard Brotz Transaction Publishers, 31 ¸.¤. 2011 - 641 ˹éÒ In bringing together the most characteristic and serious writings by black scholars, authors, journalists, and educators from the years that preceded the modem civil rights movement, African-American Social and Political Thought provides a comprehensive guide to the range and diversity of black thought. The volume offers a deep history of how the terms of contemporary debate over the future of black Americans were formed. The writings assembled here reveal a tension and a thread between two essential poles of thought. These include those voices that clearly projected civic assimilation as the goal of black aspiration, and those who described how this aim would be achieved, as well as nationalist or separatist voices that despaired of ever having a dignified future in a biracial society. These two positions reflect the most fundamental questions faced by any minority group. In his forceful and courageous introduction to this new edition, Howard Brotz relates the thoughts and reflections of these black thinkers to the social and political situation of blacks in America today and argues against the political orthodoxy and sociological determinism that perpetuates the image of the black as a perennial and passive victim. In the scope and quality of its contents, African-American Social and Political Thought is a unique, invaluable source book for cultural historians, sociologists, and students of black history. |
¨Ò¡´éÒ¹ã¹Ë¹Ñ§Ê×Í
¼Å¡Òäé¹ËÒ 1 - 5 ¨Ò¡ 49
˹éÒ xviii
... vote of this or that political party, which would take them for granted and then drop them after the election. For ... votes but of moralistic crusaders, for whom inequality between white and black is grist for their mill. However high ...
... vote of this or that political party, which would take them for granted and then drop them after the election. For ... votes but of moralistic crusaders, for whom inequality between white and black is grist for their mill. However high ...
˹éÒ 6
... voted in eleven of the thirteen original states. He saw that colored men had lost rights in the free states, let alone the slave states, as a result of national deference to the rising demands of the slave power for national security ...
... voted in eleven of the thirteen original states. He saw that colored men had lost rights in the free states, let alone the slave states, as a result of national deference to the rising demands of the slave power for national security ...
˹éÒ 8
... vote, to have a voice in the representation of one's interests, to walk through the land without stigma and insult. He made it perfectly clear, for example, that the right to stop at a hotel was a civil right and not a "social” right to ...
... vote, to have a voice in the representation of one's interests, to walk through the land without stigma and insult. He made it perfectly clear, for example, that the right to stop at a hotel was a civil right and not a "social” right to ...
˹éÒ 14
... vote. Simply voting yes because whites voted no, as many Negro leaders pointed out, did not bring about interracial trust.” But of more basic importance was the emergence among Negroes themselves of a substantial class of yeomanry, of ...
... vote. Simply voting yes because whites voted no, as many Negro leaders pointed out, did not bring about interracial trust.” But of more basic importance was the emergence among Negroes themselves of a substantial class of yeomanry, of ...
˹éÒ 15
... voting qualifications impartially applied to both races, but he also insisted on the necessity for the best education for both races." He did not succeed in Louisiana; and though. *See pages 380, 430. * See pages 454 f., 457 f., 459 f ...
... voting qualifications impartially applied to both races, but he also insisted on the necessity for the best education for both races." He did not succeed in Louisiana; and though. *See pages 380, 430. * See pages 454 f., 457 f., 459 f ...
à¹×éÍËÒ
1 | |
Martin R Delany | 37 |
Edward W Blyden | 112 |
James T Holly | 140 |
Alexander Crummell | 171 |
African Civilization Society | 191 |
Henry Highland Garnet | 199 |
Frederick Douglass | 203 |
T Thomas Fortune | 332 |
Booker T Washington | 351 |
Archibald H Grimke | 464 |
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois | 483 |
Marcus Garvey | 553 |
Sources and Acknowledgments | 577 |
Index | 581 |
©ºÑºÍ×è¹æ - ´Ù·Ñé§ËÁ´
African-American Social and Political Thought: 1850-1920 Howard Brotz,B.William Austin ªÁºÒ§Êèǹ¢Í§Ë¹Ñ§Ê×Í - 2017 |
¤ÓáÅÐÇÅÕ·Õ辺ºèÍÂ
able Africa American become believe better blood called cause character citizens civilization colored common condition Constitution continue course Douglass duty effort elevation equality existence fact feel force freedom friends future give given hand hold hope human hundred idea ignorance important industrial institutions intelligent interest justice labor land less liberty live look matter means millions mind moral nature Negro never North object opinion opportunity persons political position practical prejudice present problem progress question race reason regard respect result schools slave slavery social society South Southern speak spirit stand teachers things thought tion true United universal vote Washington whole