June 5, New York, N. Y., International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union.

June 12, Boston, Mass., Ceramic, Mosaic, and Encaustic Tile Layers and Helpers' National Union.

June 12, New York, N. Y., International Brotherhood of Tip Printers.

June, New York, N. Y., Amalgamated Glass Workers' International Association of America. June 19, Quincy, Ill., International Union of Flour and Cereal Mill Employes.

June 19, San Francisco, Cal., International Printing Pressmen's Union.

June 21, Boston, Mass., International Steel and Copper Plate Printers.

July 9, Pittsburg, Pa., Theatrical Stage Employes' International Alliance.

July 10, Terre Haute, Ind., Glass Bottle Blowers' Association of the United States and Canada.

July 10, Buffalo, N. Y., National Brotherhood of Operative Potters.

July 10, Newark, N. J., International Jewelry Workers.

July 10, Detroit, Mich., International Association of Longshoremen.

July 11, Galveston, Tex., Retail Clerks' International Protective Association.

July 15, Belleville, N. J., American Wire Weavers' Protective Association.

August-, New York, United Gold Beaters. August 1, Chicago, Ill., International Glove Workers' Union of America.

August 7, Boston, Mass., National Association Heat, Frost, General Insulators, and Asbestos Workers of America.

August 7, Philadelphia, Pa., International Brotherhood of Teamsters.

August 8, Chicago, Ill., Shirt, Waist, and Laundry Workers' International Union.

August 8, Chicago, Ill., Stereotypers and Electrotypers' Union.

August 13, Toronto, Internationa 1 Typographic Union.

August 14, Sandyhill, N. Y., National Associa tion of Machine Printers' Color Mixers.

September 7, Springfield, Mass., Table Knif Grinders' National Union.

September 11, Boston, Mass., International Asso ciation of Machinists.

September 11, Easthampton, Mass., Elastic Gor ing Weavers' Amalgamated Association.

September 11, Boston, Mass., International Union of Elevator Constructors.

September 11, Toronto, Canada, Internationa Union of Steam Engineers.

September 12, Springfield, Ill., America: Brotherhood of Cement Workers, Springfield, I

September 18, Philadelphia, Pa., Internationa Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Work

ers.

October 2, Kansas City, Mo., Wood, Wire, and Metal Lathers' International Union.

October 2, Chicago, Ill., Amalgamated Associa tion of Street and Electric Railway Employes o America.

October 2, Chicago, Ill., International Union o Shipwrights, Joiners, and Calkers of America. October 2, St. Paul, Minn., Internationa Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers.

October 2, Buffalo, N. Y., International Photo Engravers.

October 17, New York, N. Y., United Texti Workers of America.

October 26, New York, N. Y., International Cor pressed Air Workers' Union.

November 6, Pen Argyl, Pa., International Unio of Slate Workers.

December 4, Denver, Colo., National Alliance Bill Posters and Billers of America.

December 4, Cleveland, Ohio, International Sea men's Union.

DDRESSES LAWRENCE (MASS.) LABOR MEN ON PARRYISM, TRADE SCHOOLS, AND

TEXTILE STRIKE.

RESIDENT Samuel Gompers, of the A. F. of L., put in 13 hours of strenuous work as the guest of Lawrence, Mass., concluding with a banquet. He made two addresses nd listened to more than a dozen others. Patriots' Day was a gala day for Lawrence labor g men. Mr. Gompers arrived at 2 o'clock in the ternoon, accompanied by Maurice C. Noonan, resident of the Lawrence Central Labor Union; obert S. Maloney, former president of the organition; Peter W. Collins, president of the Boston entral Labor Union; John Golden, president of e United Textile Workers of America, and enry J. Skeffington, of Revere.

After a reception, during the afternoon he was corted by a parade of more than 2,000 labor men om the Franklin House to the Colonial Theatre, ere a monster mass meeting was held. Davis J. air, vice-president of the Central Labor Union, s marshal of the parade. The theatre was packed the doors with labor men and women and ends of labor, and the enthusiastic crowd eeted Mr. Gompers warmly, punctuating his adess frequently with applause and cheers. Presiat Noonan presided at the meeting and introced Mayor Cornelius F. Lynch, who extended Mr. Gompers the welcome of the city. He said: Conditions are better today than they have been he past. But the ideals we hope to attain have yet been achieved.

Regardless of how men may differ as to when better day is to come we all agree that it will ne. What form shall the struggle take in hastenthat day?

Discontent seems to me to be worldwide. Healthy content is the greatest factor in progress and lization. We find among laboring people today world over this feeling of healthy discontent, the better day must come through this instead hrough brute force or revolution. It will come ough the peaceful, natural evolutionary moveats of the trade unions.

Curb Unbridled Wealth.

If our opponents drive us out we will have in this country no organization to curb unbridled wealth. What then? With capable and conservative management there is no danger of revolution in case of controversy with individuals or with corporations. Differences are adjusted for the best good of both parties.

Why should we not organize our trade unions? All corporations in the various lines of business are organized; the manufacturers of cotton and woolen goods are organized; paper manufacturers are organized; the railroads, the banks-every line of business and even the professions are organized. This is true not only of the big concerns in the country at large, but even in small counties and towns.

Laboring men and women have the same right to organize for their own benefit as the big corporations and producers.

There is in Indiana a man named Parry. He is president of a manufacturers' organization, the avowed object of which is to destroy labor unions. I think that Dr. Osler must have had him in mind when he spoke about a proper use of chloroform recently. Some men learn quickly, some slowly, but there are others who, it seems, can not learn at all.

Barriers to Progress.

I bear ill-will to no man on earth, but men like Parry, who throw themselves across the pathway of hard working and underpaid men and women are barriers to progress, and must get out. The labor movement wants room. Parry has flaunted himself before the people until he is justly considered an unsafe man.

I say this now with no levity. Nothing has occurred in the past so injurious to the cause of labor as assaults upon those who lose their womanhood and manhood in taking the places of strikers.

Such things are of immense and of almost immeasurable injury to our work; but, after all, what are a few broken heads compared to a revolution?

The question is, should organization be crushed out and disorder and disturbance succeed, or

shall the unions use honest and rational means for the good of all the people and of the country?

Trade unions destroy nothing, but seek to lift men and women from the abyss of despair into which millions have been cast.

The labor unions must keep united, and must continue to assert themselves in unity and strength regardless of the alarms and efforts of men like Parry.

Go Slow on Trade Schools.

Organized labor has about made up its mind that it will have an equal if not a dominating voice in the question of wages and hours; in all questions concerning the buying and selling of the only commodity the laboring man has, his labor. We want more, and when we get that we want more. Nothing unreasonable; nothing unjust; crowding nobody, but giving to us that which is our due; that which has been denied us for centuries, but that which we will yet get.

A word now about Fall River. I trust that the mutual agreements will be carried out so that there will be no recurrence of the trouble in that city; but if trouble is again forced upon the textile workers of Fall River the brother and sister operatives of the country will again help them, as they did a year ago, and I pledge anew the assistance and support of the American Federation of Labor. It is better to resist and lose than never to resist at all.

The Fall River operatives in their resistance of last summer taught the organized mill men that successive and unjust reductions will not be tolerated.

Another point I wish to mention is the subject of trades schools. Go slow in this matter. They are nnrseries for slop-job workmen and strikers. We are in favor of manual training, but save us from the trades schools. The principle of trades schools is like applying a knowledge of algebra to the multiplication of two times one. The only school in which to learn a trade is the school of experience."

In closing, Mr. Gompers mentioned the fact that the printers of the country are preparing to demand an eight hour day, and he pledged the financial and moral assistance of the A. F. of L. to the organization.

After the public meeting at the Colonial Theatre a banquet was tendered Mr. Gompers and the other visitors. Boston American, April 20.

AT CIVIC FEDERATION BANQUET IN NEW YORK

CITY.

It is a deep cause for regret that I have not had time and opportunity to write carefully what I would like to say to you tonight. With a large number of others, I am engaged in the fight, and it is not often that one who is fighting has much opportunity to write without interruption the thoughts that occupy his mind in calm moments.

The work in which this civic federation is engaged is to my mind exceedingly important. It gives the opportunity of bringing together men who differ widely upon important features and facts regarding this great industrial problem. I think we owe a debt to President Eliot for his utterances at the last meeting of the Civic Federation, which led to the response that at the moment I felt impelled

to make, because he brought conspicuously to the attention not only of the members of this C Federation, but of the thinking active men in world of labor, business, and education, how it possible for men to draw from a given state of fac diametrically opposite inferences. President Ev then said, and repeated to-night with emphas that what we want is 'industrial peace w liberty."

No man having any regard for the welfare of th human family will dispute the proposition that we want peace with honor, peace with justice, peace with liberty. But when there is strife or discord when conditions are such as to make conflict i evitable, is it not true that we modify our concep tions of honor to the exigencies of the contest, to the nature of the question at issue? Is it true that we are constantly changing our concep tion of justice? Is it not true that there is a mod fication of what was generally accepted by the term "liberty?"

The conditions of industry have changed since the workmen were in a state of feudalism. A ie competitive system of society brought in its walz the introduction of machinery, followed by the dis covery of gas, so that the machines could operated by night as well as by day. The con tions of the working people during the perio when they were in a state of feudalism, and wher the competitive system of industry first emerge. can not be read by investigators, by sympathet men and women without touching them to th very core of their being. Yet we had then the highest conception of the liberty of the working man. The workingman was untrammeled by organ zation. He did not yield one jot of his liberty his fellows in a union. He enjoyed liberty to it: full. That liberty spelled for the workman lor hours of daily toil, scanty wages, a miserab hovel for a home, unsafe and unsanitary work shops, factories, mills, and mines.

During the early period of our present system d industry there went forth from some of the workpeople of Great Britain, particularly those in the textile industries, a demand upon Parliament fe the establishment of a 12 hour day. That demand was resisted as strenuously then as is the demand of organized labor today for a nine or an eight hour workday, and always, then as now, upon the twofold ground that industries could not afford it and that it invaded the individual liberty of the worker.

Despite these objections, despite hostility, spite antagonism, the organizations of labor con tinued to grow in Great Britain. And they have grown here. They are not, as some people imagine importations. They are the result of our conditio in the United States. They showed their first ing existence in Massachusetts and New York where workmen went on strike as early as 1806 enforce their demand for a reduction in the hou of labor. The shipwrights and the tailors struck even at that early day, when they found that the were no other means to secure any considerati of their rights. But the organization of labor ecal not grow in the United States so long as this w overwhelmingly an agricultural country. N could they grow fully, so long as slavery was of the institutions of our country. But with cessation of the civil war the great impetus production, the factory system, the concentratin of production, the invention and introduction

ew machines-all these applications of new forces ɔ industry tended to bring about organizations of abor. Workmen observed that industry was beoming specialized, divided, subdivided, and that hey were becoming as mere atoms in the great inustrial hives-only one little factor in the great adustrial plants.

We beg to submit this condition to our friends ho oppose the organization of labor, and who ssert that in it union men lose their individuality. Counter to that I present this statement: That in 1odern industry, with its great machines, which ave specialized and subdivided labor, the workan is deprived of his individual liberty the Joment he enters a modern industrial plant; and hat the individuality which the workmen has thus ost has been regained in the economic and social nportance of their unions.

It is true, if we accept liberty to mean some faniful thing with which to conjure, if we imagine berty to mean that we may run riot, that we may >tally disregard our own interests and that we ay make our actions prejudicial to the interests f our fellows, then it is true that the workmen se their individuality and liberty by becoming embers of a labor union. We all of us surrender › society certain things that are sometimes called berty. We surrender them in order that we may e the better safeguarded in the exercise of all our atural rights and of our true liberty.

I quoted at the last meeting Heine as saying, Freedom! Freedom is bread. Bread is freedom." am in entire accord with Heine. He did not ean simply the piece of bread, such as this in my and, that one may eat, but all that the term imlies. Liberty can be neither exercised nor enoyed by those who are in poverty. Material imrovement is essential to the exercise and enjoy. ent of liberty.

Anyone may say that the organizations of labor vade or deny liberty to the workmen. But go to me men who worked in the bituminous coal mines velve, fourteen, sixteen hours a day for a dollar a dollar and twenty-five cents, and who now ork eight hours a day and whose wages have ineased 70 per cent in the past seven years-go tell ose men that they have lost their liberty and ey will laugh at you. Go to the wives who have ceived the benefit resulting from this higher age and the companionship of their husbands; o to their children and compare them with the ildren who were deprived from going to school and have grown up to become miners and miners' ives, and see the difference in the standard of edcation and of morals. Say to these miners' wives ad children today that their husbands and fathers ave lost their liberty by joining the union! Go to e bricklayers, who worked formerly ten hours a y, but who for the past several years have enyed the eight-hour work day, with higher wages, ith greater comforts, with larger enlightenment ad social activity-tell these bricklayers that their perties have been invaded! Go to the workers in e clothing trades who worked in the sweatshops, hose very homes, even whose bedrooms, were the ctories where they toiled, and who organized and ught and won, and lost and won, and lost again d again, until that healthier public judgment s formed that abolished sweatshops-go to them d tell them that their liberties have been invaded the unions.

So, through all the gamut of industries that I

might enumerate. And then again, go to the other industries in which you find little or no organization among the working people, and note their comparatively long hours, low wages, misery, and poverty. If those working people only had the power to speak their minds, if they had only the semblance of an organization that would give them the opportunity to exercise their freedom of speech, they would tell you in such thunderous tones that you would hear the echo and re-echo that their hope of liberty is through unions.

We hear much of the strike due to organization. But, pray, what say you of the strike of the unorganized workmen? Indeed, the larger number of strikes occur among the unorganized workmen. The fact is that organization is the workman's protection and secures for him generally many of the advantages that he enjoys, without the necessity of striking. But what would you do with the unorganized workmen who strike? Would you outlaw their effort because of lack of development, their failure of preconceived associated effort, their spontaneous movement that impels them, in desperation, to protest against their constantly deteriorating condition?

We are told to make our appeals to the law and there find the means to secure our rights as workmen, or to find relief from onerous conditions. May I call your attention to a recent occurrence? The United States Supreme Court has just declared the 10 hour law for the bakers in the state of New York unconstitutional. It is neither my desire nor my purpose to criticise the highest judicial tribunal of our country, for which I entertain the highest respect, but one can not always defer even to the judgment of that tribunal and particularly when we see the court, divided by a vote of five to four, declaring as unconstitutional an act that was the result of years of discussion and of an aroused public conscience; an act that had been tested and upheld as constitutional through the various courts of New York and only decided to be void when it was brought before the Supreme Court of the United States.

Without discussing the merit or demerits of that decision, let me call your attention to the fact that the four dissenting judges designate the majority decision of the court as the most far reaching that has been handed down in over a hundred years. There is now no law upon the statute books of New York limiting the hours of labor of the bakers. Let me call your attention to a few of the conditions that obtained in the bakery trade before the passage of that law. It seems a peculiar incident in human life that bakers were always required to perform their work underground and facing a great furnace, perhaps to remind them of what awaits them hereafter. It was a rule that bakers were always required to board and lodge with the boss baker. Their trade, therefore, set a premium upon single blessedness; it was a practical prohibition against marriage. The bakers worked every day in the week, every week in the year. They would sleep anywhere. Sometimes, as one said facetiously, they would lie down on the dough and rise with it." They suffered more than any other workmen.

Now, the Supreme Court has decided unconsti tutional a law to relieve such conditions. Assuredly the boss bakers had some purpose in mind when they incurred the expense and the trouble of carrying their appeal to the highest judicial tribunal of the land. It is only fair to assume that they want

the spoils of their victory. In other words, they will want the bakers to toil more than 10 hours a day. I ask our friends who speak so eloquently of the liberty of the workmen, and who advise the workmen never to enter an association because they will surrender their liberty-I ask these gentlemen to answer themselves the question: What are these bakers going to do? Go back to the old conditions? Work 11, 12, and more hours a day? I don't know what anyone else may think, but, so far as I am concerned, when the test will come, and there is no other means to prevent it, I will urge these bakers to strike, and to strike hard, to enforce the 10 hour day for themselves.

No one believes for a moment that conditions of today are perfect. No one imagines that there shall be no progress; that there shall be no improvement economically, socially, and morally. Every one of us has his day dreams and believes that in a year, or ten, or fifty, or a hundred, or a thousand, or a million years, a better day is coming. The question with us is whether in our own time if we are agreed that there is a better day coming, we shall work toward that day. I do not believe in an ultimate, absolute finality of anything, not even of life. If there is a diversion of opinion as to how the better day is to be attained, we must, nevertheless, work gradually and naturally and rationally toward its attainment. There are some who would have the better day come within our time, in a decade, immediately, or perhaps sooner.

But it behooves us to do our share in our time to help in the evolutionary process that shall go to make up a better life of all our people. The question is with us, not whether an improvement is going to occur or not. It is going to occur. We find that this movement of discontent, with existing conditions, is world-wide. It is a question whether it shall take the form, as in Russia, of bloody revolution, or the plain, modest, American evolutionary method of attaining betterment through the trade union movement.

As for us workmen we believe in the American method of the trade union movement. You can look the whole country over, look the whole world over, and you will find that wherever there has come the organization of labor, in that same degree has depravity and misery and poverty disappeared.

We speak of our great sovereignty of American citizenship. Yet we know that every right thinking man is concerned because there exists even to any extent the pollution of the ballot box through the purchase or influencing of votes. Let me tell you, my friends, that in the industries that were unorganized you could always tell the political opinion of the workmen when you knew the political opinion of the employer. You will find that to be true today in our country wherever organization does not exist. But you can not make voting cattle out of eight hour workmen. Workmen who toil eight hours a day have time and opportunity to acquaint themselves with the current questions that affect the people of our country. They earn wages at least sufficient to warrant them in expressing contempt for any one who may for any financial reason desire to influence their vote. The organizations of labor help not only to raise the economic and material standards of the workmen and of their families, but also their manhood, their character, their independence, and their citizenship. When an organiza

tion does that, not only for one class of workme but for all who participate in the benefits res ing from organization, that is not curtail liberty, but is giving a new meaning to the wor liberty through the enjoyment and the fulles fruition of the benefit which comes from an er lightened mind and a broadened sympathy for fellowmen.

ADDRESS AT BOSTON BEFORE REPRESENTATIVE GATHERING OF ORGANIZED LABOR, EMPLOYERS, AND OF THE

PUBLIC.

I do not know that there is any considerale number of men in our country and our time w believe that it is possible in our day or even in the future to bring about harmony between the en ployers and the employed. I am not satisfied that such a condition would be either right or ever natural.

There has not been entire harmony in this wor between the buyers and the sellers of a give thing, and it is lamentable that in the cold-bloode consideration of the relations between the buse and the seller of labor it is a business proposition stripped of any element of humane feeling. A there has not always been, there is not now, and doubt that the future will develop entire harmor between the buyers and the sellers of any partic lar thing.

There may be mutuality, there may be a comm understanding that for the sake of convenience during a specified time there shall be agreemen there shall be understanding, there shall be acc mon effort to continue industry, transportation the distribution of wealth, as we understand under the term commerce.

But may I repeat, that I doubt that there will entire harmony between the two interests repre sented. And yet industry is constantly developiry New improvements are continually made. The great productivity in the forms of wealth and its transportation are indicated and manifest every day of our lives.

With the increased ability to produce the weath of the world, due to all the pent-up genius of a the ages that have gone before, with the possibi ties of the improvements in our day upon the cot ditions of the past, the world of workers ask th question: "Are we to be constantly in the con tion of our forefathers, or of the present day Are we not entitled to be sharers in the great in dustrial advancement and development of o time?"

We ask whether it is fair, whether it is just. whether it is wise that the hours of daily toil which have prevailed in the past shall continue, despite the fact that wealth is produced in our day a hu dredfold to what it was half a century ago?

We ask that with the great material progress az mental advancement of all others in society, large opportunities should be opened up to our childre that they may be the better prepared to meet the problems and to bear the burden of modern 1 dustrial conditions.

Labor makes a demand upon modern society f better conditions. It asks for more leisure shorter workday that shall give men leisure > live, leisure to love, leisure to enjoy their freedom