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URROUNDED on the stage by many of the most active of the leaders of the union movement, Samuel Gompers, president of the A. F. of L., made his bow on Wednesday evening at Mozart Hall before the St. Paul public.

Among those present who are not identified with the movement of organized labor was Mayor Robert A. Smith, who was evidently much pleased with the address of President Gompers. He was quick to applaud every strong point made by the speaker throughout.

The introduction of President Gompers was effected in a few remarks by Chairman Becker.

On the idea that the individual worker was perfectly qualified to fix the terms of his employment without the intervention of his union or his fellow workers, Mr. Gompers was convincing to a degree. He drew a picture of John Jones, workingman, going up to the president of a great industrial institution and telling him that he wanted to have extended to him an eight hour day and a raise of 25 cents a day in his wages. Imagine the feelings of the magnate! And then imagine what John Jones' foreman would have to say to him the following day if John had stood alone in his demand. It might be that the foreman, if he was willing to consider the matter at all, would ask him, "Do these demands imply what you think you ought really to have? I have heard before that you were not satisfied with what you were getting. But here's the situation, John: If I give you what you ask, the rest of the men in the plant will also insist on getting the same." Such a proceeding, said President Gompers, was a travesty on the divine words: "Suffer little children to come unto me."

The speaker gave attention to the prevailing belief among employers that the demands of unions and union working men and women were the result of agitation. The labor agitator, so-called, did not, so far as the speaker knew, derive much benefit from the progress made by workingmen. He was in something of the saine position as the man in a burning building who called out the fire department instead of taking chances on getting burned to death.

Patriotism of Labor.

Taking up the patriotic aspect of the labor movement, Mr Gompers declared that the unions entered their protest against wrong and injustice

wherever found. Theirs was not a selfish mote nient. Said he: "We know that we live in a co try as fair as any other on God's green earth, the yields up wealth at a touch; a country with 85.000 000 as earnest and intelligent people as you can fi fortunately situated, and developed into a homoge neous brotherhood and sisterhood that exists where else on earth. I have traveled some an have yet to see such keen, loyal patriotism a love of country as developed by the people of th United States, and with all that, none stand loyal to the United States and to the spirit of erty than the labor union."

The speaker declared he was always ready to sert his patriotism on behalf of the colored saying: "Tis true that some white men have bee angered at the introduction of black strike bre ers. I have stood as a champion of the colere man and have sacrificed self and much of movement that the colered man should ge: chance. But the caucasians are not going to their standard of living be destroyed by negr Chinamen, Japs, or any others."

Mr. Gompers said that the stories about the riot bloodshed accompanying labor strikes reminde him of the moving pictures which had been sented to the audience that evening. The pict themselves were but small, but when brought der the influence of the light played on them th were vastly increased in the proportion the van figures were made to assume. The boy and girl took on the proportions of the man and woma the man and woman were giants, and the cow a hippopotamus. Such was an illustration of t light in which the daily press presented everyth that might operate to the discredit of the sz

movement.

"How and in what form can present disconten he asked," find expression? Some say it will er about in a million years; some say in a thorst years; others in a hundred; others in a dec others immediately, and some fools say that it ** come sooner."

Can Not Crush the Unions.

Dealing with the stupid delusion which sesses the enemies of the working people tha labor movement can be destroyed by force. speaker showed the intense feeling of devotlin the cause for which he has been noted all his

"No matter," said he, "what our enemies propose to accomplish, one thing they can never do, and that is to crush out the labor unions. The movement is growing, and it is best to deal with it intelligently and justly. Our great-great-grandfathers and our great-great-grandmothers should have been kept in darkness in order to accomplish such a result. But these ancestors of ours discovered letters enough to spell out correctly such words as rights," "justice," "liberty.'

'We hope," he continued, "to establish better relations between employers and employes. He lives in the sixteenth century, the employer who today says that employes should have no voice in the settlement of wages, hours, and other conditions of labor. The American workmen proposed to have a very potent voice in disposing of the only thing which they had to sell-their labor. Business men have fixed and marked prices on goods in their stores. Why should not laboring men have the same right to fix the price of their labor?

"If I read the signs of the times correctly, the American workman is going to get more. We do not propose to tear down anything. We do not believe the world is going to the bow-wows. We propose to build up homes and characters and to take the children from the factories and place them in the homes and schools."

The labor movement is the best declaration for the future, owing to its success in the past.

Backs Up Printers.

With outstretched hands the speaker then made a strong plea for the eight hour day which the International Typographical Union will inaugurate on January 1, 1906. One year ago, he said, the union printers composing the International Typographical Union decided that they would have an eight hour day. Due notice was given by them to their employers, who were advised that for not one minute longer than eight hours in a given day would any of the men work after the date set for the inauguration of the eight hour movement in their craft. He told of the introduction of type setting machines into that craft, and expressed the hope that the employing printers would go slow and act wisely in their consideraion of the men's demand.

The American Federation of Labor, said the peaker, with its 2,000,000 active members, stood ledged to support the movement of the printers, and the printers would be sustained to the limit. He wanted his friends among the St. Paul printers o rest assured of that fact. In 1886 the cigarmakers nstituted the eight hour day, and it has proved a lessing to the men of that craft without inflicting ny wrong on their employers. "The eight hour lay," he exclaimed, “is coming. You can't stop t. Those who stand in its path will act wisely if hey get out of its path."

Show Their Love of Him.

After the public meeting had adjourned Mr. Gompers was given a banquet by his personal riends at Miesen's cafe. Plates were laid for 50. G. H. Becker acted as toastmaster. There was a plendid spread, and every one present told in lowing terms of the high esteem in which they held Mr. Gompers as a leader and a brother in the cause. They testified their gratitude at the great

advancement that had come to the cause through his wise and courageous leadership and severally and collectively they expressed the hope that he would be spared for many years to come to guide the movement in America.

Mr. Gompers responded feelingly to the many pleasant things said of him and declared that he always would endeavor, as he always had endeavored, to advance the cause in a conscientious and faithful manner and to the full limit of whatever ability he possessed.

The banquet closed at 1 a. m., and at parting it was plain that all those in attendance would like to unite in taking a vote to continue Brother Gompers as president of the American Federation of Labor to the end of his days. As all were about to separate "three cheers for the grand old man” were proposed, and they were given with a will.

Among those present at the banquet were: J. L. Gieske, John Friesen, C. H. Bly, M. A. Cummings, Charles Reiffenach, J. C. W. Smith, G. H. Becker, Samuel Gompers, Louis Nash, Harry L. Dix, H. V. Koch, C. Carlson, William Templeman, F. E. Hoffmann, James Welch, T. J. Cavanaugh, Charles Bovaird, P. W. Hartigan, W. J. Carlson, J. B. Ellinger, F. J. Jenny, E. C. Ives, T. F. Thomas, A. I. Mundahl, Col. Bonn, M. Comerford, Cornelius Guiney, Joseph Fleck, J. J. McHugh, John Geary, J. F. Krieger, J. A. Blackwell, John Klaus, J. P. F. Sanders, R. Phillips, M. T. O'Connell, L. Sinters, J. W. Graham, Frank Valesh, A. L. Rich.-Union Advocate, St. Paul, Minn.

SPEAKS TO BIG AUDIENCE IN MINNEAPOLIS.

Samuel Gompers, president of the A. F. of L., delivered a masterly address on the labor problem to over 2,500 people who crowded the big Audi

torium.

The address was a practical demonstration of the subject from a labor point of view. It was enlivened with witty sallies, and the attention of the audience was held by the speaker every moment throughout his discourse.

Mr. Gompers is a man of fine figure and striking appearance. Upon taking the stage, he is one who at once creates a favorable impression.

He opened his address with an expression of his appreciation of such a large audience.

"One would be less than human," he said, "if he did not appreciate the honor of addressing an audience like this, so great in numbers, so representative of the people of Minneapolis.'

After some further introductory remarks, he plunged into his subject for the evening.

The Labor Problem

"It is one of the sad commentaries on the thought of our times," he said, "that the question is frequently heard, 'Is there a labor problem?' There are men, and men, too, who are considered intelligent observers of the social and industrial conditions of the day, who declare that the "labor problem" exists only in the vaporings of the modern labor agitator.

Go to our great modern industrial centers. Glance into the sweat-shops, and see old men, frail women and children, poring over their work, every stitch drawing out their heart's blood. See their pinched cheeks, their dwarfed figures, and their premature signs of old age. Then see the

strong men out of employment standing idly at the doors of the factories, and say, if you can, that there is no labor problem.

This will not be the verdict, but there will come in thunder tones the declaration that the labor problem is the living, burning question of the day and hour. The industrial problem overshadows all other problems of our time. The problem is presented in many forms, and it makes demands that can not be diverted, shirked or sidetracked. The labor problem seeks as its solution to make life worth living for uncounted thousands.

Everybody Wants More.

Everybody asks for a little more. The men who are receiving thousands want a few thousands more, but in asking it they are spared the vituperation that falls on the head of the lowly laborer whose further wants are expressed in cents. The labor movement has its inception from the under dogs. Those who fight its battles are the men in the social scale who receive little but do much.

Organization is the keynote of modern progress. There is in Minneapolis a manufacturers' association, an association of master builders, a chamber of commerce, a ministers' association, associations of lawyers and doctors. All these are unions. But when workingmen organize their organizations are often denounced as labor trusts.

The unions meet in no luxurious offices. The men who compose them have sprung from ancestors who were workingmen through centuries. For this reason it should not be surprising that in

the ranks of the unions are to be found men intel ligent as well as dullards; selfish and unselfish those who work to bring about good and those who would bring about evil.

Attitude Toward Strikes.

The speaker spoke of the right of organized labor to strike. He said that labor must be in a position to go to battle when war is forced upon it.

Mr. Gompers spoke pointedly of the strike breaking in Chicago by negroes. He stated that organized labor desired no controversy with the negroes "but," he said, "if the colored man continues to lend himself to the work of tearing down what the white man has built up, a race hatred worse than any ever known before will result. Caucasian civ ilization will serve notice that its uplifting process is not to be interfered with in any such way."

He concluded: The object of the unions is not destructive; it is constructive, though the unions do go down deep into the causes of misery and despair. Organized labor wishes our country to lead the world in industrial production, in mo rality, in religious liberty, in the conception of aï that makes men noble, women beautiful, and children bright and happy.

Organized labor appeals for aid to accomplish emancipation from industrial injustice, to establish universal brotherhood, to help make each day brighter than that which has gone before, for your sympathy and cooperation that countless millions yet unborn will rise up and say your name * blessed.-Minneapolis Journal, May 24.