Attention has already been directed to the main version of the Babylonian creation story,' which in the form preserved to us in Ashurbanapal's texts represents the Marduk version of the ancient myth and must therefore have been derived from originals in Marduk's temple at Babylon. Had Ashurbanapal's scribes obtained this tale from the archive at Nippur, we would have had the Nippur version with Bel as the hero, and if his scribes. had struck a version in the Eridu archive, Ea would have played the prominent rôle. Again, in a large proportion of the incantation texts in the royal library, Marduk is prominently introduced, and since the internal evidence points to Eridu as the source for most of the texts of this class, the association of Marduk with Ea, and in many cases the assignment of the rôle of exorciser to Marduk by the express declaration of Ea,' points to the Marduk archive at Babylon as the source whence the incantations in Ashurbanapal's library are derived. Thirdly, the form in which a number of the myths and legends in the royal collection are preserved is the one which would be given to them under the influence of the Marduk priests. Thus, e. g., Adapa, originally an independent figure, is identified in the Kouyunjik version of the legend in which he plays the chief part with Marduk, and in the legend of the Zu bird likewise, the version preserved in Ashurbanapal's collection points to the substitution of Marduk for Bel. A fourth argument is furnished by the texts in Ashurbanapal's collection, to which parallels found in Babylon have been discovered. Thus an important hymn originally composed in honor of Bel of Nippur and transferred to Marduk, which was discovered by the German

1 It may be worth noting that we have a fragment of an Assyrian version of creation in Ashurbanapal's collection (Cuneiform Texts, Part xiii, pl. 24-25) in which the head of the Assyrian pantheon, Ašur-identified by the Assyrian priests though without justification with An-śar—plays the chief part and which must therefore have been produced in Assyria -another bit of evidence for the intellectual activity prevailing in the north.

2 In the formula so often occurring, "Ea said to Marduk, my son, what I know thou dost also know," etc.-See Jastrow, l. c., i, pp. 295, 329, 338, 343, 344, Anm. 8, etc.

3 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 548.

4 L. c. p. 542. The Ira (or Dibbarra) myth, in the form preserved in Ashurbanapal's library, likewise represents a " Babylon" version of the story. See Jastrow, l. c., p. 532.

expedition,' is an exact duplicate to a text in Ashurbanapal's collection. Of the series of texts published by Reisner' and which are said to have been found together in Babylon, quite a number of duplicates exist in the Kouyunjik collection. Lastly, the large number of Marduk hymns in the collection," so much larger than those in honor of other gods, points decidedly in the same direction, since it is only fair to assume that they were all copied from the originals deposited in Marduk's temple at Babylon-the central and in fact the only seat of his worship. Incidentally, Ashurbanapal's library also bears further witness to the existence of an active temple school connected with the Marduk sanctuary, since many of the texts emanating from Babylon are practice tablets and commentaries, prepared for the interpretation of the texts in question."

This circumstance, taken together with the large number of syllabaries, paradigms and school exercises of various kinds in the royal library, and which, in so far as they are not Assyrian originals, must have been copied from the texts in the temple schools of Babylonia, suggests the further conclusion that these schools constituted one of the chief sources of supply of the material gathered by the Assyrian scribes. The numerous lists of gods, objects of all kinds, countries, cities, mountains, rivers, birds, plants, etc., among the texts of the Library fall within the same category. and similarly the large numbers of ritual texts with detailed indications of the complicated ceremonial in

1 Weissbach, Babylonische Miscellen, No. xiii. 2 IV Rawlinson, 18, No. 2.

3 Sumerisch-Babylonische Hymnen (Berlin, 1896). See above, p. 167. 4 E. g., Macmillan, Some Cuneiform Tablets bearing on the Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Beiträge zur Assyriologie, v), p. 538 8 seq., 571 seq., 580 seq.

Hehn, Hymnen und Gebete an Marduk (Beiträge z. Assyr. v, pp. 307– 308), enumerates 25 hymns to Marduk. See, also, Jastrow, Religion Babylonien u. Assyr., i, pp. 495-519.

* See, e. g., the interesting commentaries to the Creation story included in King's edition. If, as is fair to conclude, the Nergal hymns in Ashurbanapal's collection are copied from originals in Cutha-the seat of Nergal worship, then the existence of practice tablets among these, as suggested by Böllenrücher, Gebete und Hymnen an Nergul (Leipzig, 1904), p. 50, proves the existence of a temple school at this place likewise.

connection with sin and purification offerings,' appear to have been prepared for the instruction of the temple pupils rather than as guide books for the priests, and would thus also revert to the originals-in so far as they were not compiled by Assyrian pedagogues-in the temple schools of the south. The same applies to the considerable number of texts which are designated as extracts or incomplete copies or bear the designation nishu,' which seems to have been applied to a "school " of a text. copy In a general way, quite apart from the question from which Babylonian centers the copies in Ashurbanapal's library emanate, one gains the impression that many of the omen, incantation, astrological, and even medical texts are school exercises, school copies or form part of school collections, belonging, therefore, to the school outfit of the temples rather than to a literary archive in the temple. A careful study of the texts in Ashurbanapal's library from this point of view, with the purpose of ascertaining more definitely what proportion of the religious and other literary texts proper are to be classed as text-books rather than as parts of the outfit for actual use by priests in the service, has not yet been made. The result of such a study will in all probability tend to confirm the conclusion of a partial examination, that by far the greater portion of the literary texts falls within the category of school outfits in the larger sense, that is, texts prepared for purposes of instruction, and not representing part of the collection in the temples for use in the cult, so that, approached from this side, we are led likewise to the main conclusion of this paper, that we are justified in according to the temple schools of Babylonia considerable prominence, but that with the single probable

1 See Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babylonischen Religion (pp. 81-175)). The extensive Shamash-Adad ritual texts, of which Zimmern (l. c. pp. 190-219) furnishes specimens, belong to the same class of texts for the instruction of those intended to be trained for the service in the temples. These and other' ritual texts are ably utilized by Morgenstern in his monograph, The Doctrine of Sin in the Babylonian Religion (Berlin, 1905).

2 See above, p. 178, note 4.

3 E. g., KK. 8289, 9270, 9452, 9487, 10205, etc.

The proof for this view I must reserve for another occasion. The tablets which Bezold designates as "drafts" I am inclined to regard as school exercises also, e. g., KK. 6806, 8664, 80-7-19, 102, 80-7-19, 333, etc.

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Jastrow, Did the Babylonian Temples, etc. [1906.

exception of the Marduk temple in Babylon-and possibly also the Nebo temple at Borsippa-the Babylonian temples do not give evidence of having contained extensive literary collections; that, on the contrary, the number of texts they contained, being in general limited to those used in the worship of the deity to whom the temple was sacred, appears to have been comparatively small, precisely as in the Egyptian temples,' -altogether too small in extent and range to warrant the use of the term "literary." For the present, therefore, and until further excavations should compel a revision of the conclusions to be drawn from the data at present available, the term "Library" should be restricted to the collection made by Ashurbanapal. At all events, a promiscuous use of the term "Temple Library," to describe the contents of the temple archives in Babylonia, is to be discountenanced, not only as unwarranted, but as positively misleading, and as tending to create unnecessary and unjustifiable confusion.

1 This on the testimony of Prof. W. Max Müller, to whom I am indebted for having called my attention to the fact.

Expression of Case by the Verb in Tagalog.-By FRANK R.

BLAKE, Ph.D., Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.

THE idea that the case relations of a noun may be expressed by a verb is foreign to the usual grammatical conceptions of the languages of both the Indo-European and the Semitic families of speech. Nevertheless, such a conception is possible, if only to a limited degree, in both speech-families. The active and passive verbs that both families possess indicate respectively that the subject acts, is the agent of the action; or that the subject is acted upon, is the object of the action. That is to say, the active verb may be conceived of as expressing the case of the agent or nominative; the passive as expressing the case of the object or accusative. For example, in the sentence Cain killed Abel, killed may be said to indicate that its subject is an agent or nominative; while in the sentence Abel was killed by Cain, was killed may be looked upon as denoting that its subject is the object of the verbal action or accusative.

This function of the verb, however, was not further developed in either of these families of speech. Latin, for example, was brought face to face with the problem of making a verbal form to indicate the dative, when it came to turn into the passive those verbs which take their direct object in the dative, e. g., obedire 'obey.' Instead, however, of developing a new form which might take the dative object as subject, it got around the difficulty by using the regular or accusative passive impersonally, and retaining the dative; e. g., servus domino obedit becomes in the passive domino a servo obeditur.'

In the Philippine languages, on the other hand, this caseindicating function of the verb is developed to a high degree. The active, as in Indo-European and Semitic, denotes the case of the agent, but the passive expresses not only the accusative,

1 Cf. Gildersleeve-Lodge, Latin Grammar, N. Y. and London, 1898, p. 152. In Greek the dative is treated as if it were an accusative, and made the subject of the passive; cf. Gildersleeve, Syntax of Classical Greek, N. Y., Cincin., and Chicago, p. 77.