Inclusion and DemocracyOUP Oxford, 18 เม.ย. 2002 - 320 หน้า Democratic equality entails a principle that everyone whose basic interests are affected by policies should be included in the process of making them. Yet individuals and groups often claim that decision making processes are dominated by only some of the interests and perspectives in the society. What are the ideals of inclusion through which such criticisms should be made, and which might guide more inclusive political practice? This book considers that question from the point of view of norms of democratic communication, processes of representation and association, and how wide the scope of political jurisdictions should be. Democratic theorists have not sufficiently attended to the ways processes of debate and decision making often marginalize individuals and groups because the norms of political discussion are biased against some forms of expression. Inclusion and Democracy broadens our understanding of democratic communication by reflecting on the positive political functions of narrative, rhetorically situated appeals, and public protest. It reconstructs concepts of civil society and public sphere as enacting such plural forms of communication among debating citizens in large-scale societies. The book considers issues of the scope of the polity at two levels: global and local. The scope of a polity should extend as wide as the scope of social and economic interactions that raise issues of justice. Today this implies the need for global democratic institutions. At a more local level, processes of residential segregation and the design of municipal jurisdictions often result in the ability for actions in one locale to affect those in other locales without those making the decisions having to include some of those affected in the decision making process. Metropolitan governments which preserve significant local autonomy may therefore be necessary to promote political equality. |
จากด้านในหนังสือ
ผลการค้นหา 1 - 5 จาก 81
หน้า vii
... A Critique of Liberal Nationalism', in Stephen Macedo and Ian Shapiro (eds.), Designing Democratic Institutions, NOMOS 39 (New York: New York University Press, 2000). I have presented ideas and arguments in these chapters at.
... A Critique of Liberal Nationalism', in Stephen Macedo and Ian Shapiro (eds.), Designing Democratic Institutions, NOMOS 39 (New York: New York University Press, 2000). I have presented ideas and arguments in these chapters at.
หน้า 4
... institutional effect; they seem only to generate mass gossip. Today the notion that, with good institutions and goodwill, citizens can engage with one another about the problems they have in living together, and work out policies to ...
... institutional effect; they seem only to generate mass gossip. Today the notion that, with good institutions and goodwill, citizens can engage with one another about the problems they have in living together, and work out policies to ...
หน้า 5
... institutions is rare enough in the world today, and even those societies that have institutionalized them are for the most part only thinly democratic. Even the supposedly most democratic societies in the world most of the time are ...
... institutions is rare enough in the world today, and even those societies that have institutionalized them are for the most part only thinly democratic. Even the supposedly most democratic societies in the world most of the time are ...
หน้า 8
... institutions are incompatible with deep democracy. Authentic democracy, on this view, is direct and face to face. If this is true, however, then large-scale mass societies are condemned to thin democracy. This dilemma stems partly from ...
... institutions are incompatible with deep democracy. Authentic democracy, on this view, is direct and face to face. If this is true, however, then large-scale mass societies are condemned to thin democracy. This dilemma stems partly from ...
หน้า 9
... institutions should correspond to the scope of obligations of justice, then this argument implies that there ought to be more global institutional capacity to govern relations and interaction among the world's peoples. Many people ...
... institutions should correspond to the scope of obligations of justice, then this argument implies that there ought to be more global institutional capacity to govern relations and interaction among the world's peoples. Many people ...
เนื้อหา
1 | |
16 | |
2 INCLUSIVE POLITICAL COMMUNICATION | 52 |
3 SOCIAL DIFFERENCE AS A POLITICAL RESOURCE | 81 |
4 REPRESENTATION AND SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE | 121 |
5 CIVIL SOCIETY AND ITS LIMITS | 154 |
6 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND REGIONAL DEMOCRACY | 196 |
7 SELFDETERMINATION AND GLOBAL DEMOCRACY | 236 |
References | 277 |
Index | 295 |
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actions activities actors affinity affinity groups African Americans Amy Gutmann argue argument autonomy Cambridge Chapter citizens civic associations civil society claims communicative democracy concept conflict constituted context cracy critical cultural decisions deliberation deliberative democracy democratic democratic process differentiated solidarity disadvantage discourse distinct domination economic effects exclusion experience expression functions global governance group representation Habermas ical ideal identity politics inclusion inclusive democracy individuals injustice institutions interaction interests Iris Marion Young issues judgements Jurgen Habermas jurisdiction Kymlicka live means moral neighbourhoods norms obligations of justice one’s opinions organization participants particular people’s plural policies political communication political discussion Political Theory Politics of Difference practices Princeton University principles privilege problems promote justice public discussion public sphere racial racial segregation reasons regional relations representative requires residential rhetoric self-determination share situated social groups social perspective specific structural inequality structural social theorists tion understanding United