ÀҾ˹éÒ˹ѧÊ×Í
PDF
ePub

on "black togetherness" is very similar to the stress on racial solidarity and cooperation over a hundred years ago.

The many resolutions on self-help passed this summer at the National Conference on Black Power in Newark are almost identical to those passed by the AfroAmerican League in 1890. But one is capable of learning from Negro history that as far as black self-help, racial solidarity, and self-determination is concerned, it is possible to be a "race man" without being a racist. A careful persual of Negro history will reveal that even the current theme of "Black Power" is not a novelty but rather a continuing refrain in the history of American blacks. These facts of the past have remained and will always remain the same. It is how we relate them to our present condition that will change, hopefully for the better.

PURPOSE

"The purpose of Negro History Week," in the words of its originator, Dr. C. G. Woodson, "is to promote the history of the Negro to the point when Negro History Week will no longer be necessary." Indeed, I would welcome the day when a special effort to direct attention to the fact that the Negro has always been a part of American history will be no longer needed. Dr. Woodson also felt that "we should emphasize not Negro history, but the Negro in history."

An "accent on the Negro," is not needed. I am calling simply for a long overdue "accent on facts." When facts are presented, the case of the black American takes care of itself. Still, all segments of this society must ultimately work together if we are to ever achieve its professed aims. Negro History Week assumes increasing importance in the interim for, as aptly summarized by Vice-President Hubert Humphery, "the shared pride in Negro history and achievement is a solid foundation upon which to build a new and healthy climate of mutual respect and understanding among all elements of society."

FUNCTIONAL IMPLICATIONS OF BLACK HISTORY, SUBMITTED BY RONALD W. BAILEY

History, especially as I have known the discipline, has always been rather narrowly defined, or at least narrowly construed. I have always seen it as that branch of knowledge that records and explains, in a systematic and chronological fashion, past events in the unfolding of human activities. Included as a major component of this recording is perhaps something of a philosophical explanation of the cause and origin of the events themselves.

It is becoming increasingly evident, in my opinion, that one is no longer to be allowed the luxury of being able to so clearly "segmentize" the various branches of knowledgeable endeavor. Traditional disciplines are over-lapping, and necessarily so, and our efforts to accept, adapt, or fight this fact, as the case may be, must begin with this realization.

"History is the matrix of our very lives." From it, we gain some conception of the ideas and modes of existence we must live with. History lends some continuity to life. Similarly, we are in a fashion trapped by manifestations of our civilization and culture over which we have had very little control. As we reflect on the world situation today and extend our reflections to include the world as we would want tomorrow, we must consider the facts of the past. History, therefore, enables one to better relate to the reality of things.

The study of Black History has assumed a much greater proportion of my interest over the last year. It is not surprising that my increased interest seems to parallel that of the entire country. Some writers have stated "that today we are witnessing somewhat of a boom in Negro history, a boom which shows no signs of abating.' ."2 If one refers back to my definition of history above, such occurrences as the "boom" in the study of Black History can not be without cause. This leads to, in a sense, another observation, albeit inexperienced, that I have made about much that is called history: a seeming preoccupation with the causes of various events, with little or no major attempts to equally treat their effects.

This may serve to introduce the purpose of this paper. Contradictions seem somewhat apparent in the rise of Black history. Some scholars hold that "the current civil rights revolution has brought with it a heightened interest in the

1 Prof. Arthur Adams, Introductory Remarks to History 400-H (Fall 1967). Michigan State University, E. Lansing, Michigan. 2 Benjamin Quarles, "The Future of the Negro Past," Negro Digest, February 1968, p. 34.

994

Negro's role in the American past,"3 while others seem to imply that it has rather been the "growing interest in Africa and a rediscovery of the lost African heritage launched the spread of Black consciousness among young civil rights militants." Upon reflection, the two statements are not so much revealing of a contradiction as they are of a different type of relationship. That is, it can hardly be gain-said that the study of Black history and the current movement of "civil rights" are all but inextricably bound to each other. An understanding of one requires thorough consideration of the other.

This has led me to consider some aspects of this interrelation rather than attempt to construct a heavily-documented, scholarly jaunt into some phase of history, which would probably, upon having been read by an historian, be considered seemingly plagiarized and rather superficial at best. My primary aim is to discuss the functional implications of the increased study of Black history to our social order. Because of the current debate in the area of social inquiry, the term "function" should be clarified. For the purposes of this paper, function can be defined as that activity which is considered useful for the achievement of certain purposes. This definition, at best, is still rather hazy but hopefully its meaning will sharpen in the use of the concept.

By far the most fundamental notion that has struck some Americans about the topic on which I am writing is that the study of Black history fulfills the very important function of aiding in the development of a strong, positive self-image among black people in America. Any discussion of this aspect really tends to be an ingroup discussion for black people, but possibly others may be enlightened by listening in. Perhaps the major tenet of the current concept of Black Power is this drive toward self-development and self-respect.

It is all but impossible to remember the number of times I have heard both White and black Americans deprecate the past and present role of black people in this country. This was done by whites and allowed by blacks because of ignorance—an ignorance that did not know of the many riches contained in the African and Afro-American experience. The rate at which black America has been sensitized to the many atrocities and injustices she has suffered may be mainly attributed to the completeness of this ignorance. This veil of ignorance is now being lifted and "even when one acknowledges how grotesquely slow is the pace at which black people are moving on to the American stage, the knowledge of their history is still absolutely dispensable as they proceed."

,, Б

It is psychologically important, I think, for black children to be systematically exposed to the history of their forefathers. To ask a child to face the realities of American racism today, though often very subtle in a state of historical amnesia is tantamount to relegating that child to a permanent second-class existence. It is both necessary and healthy that black youth have at least a historical overview that will explain the existence of the hatred and fear that they will inescapably see and feel in the black community.

The implications of a strong, positive self-image rooted in a historically valid knowledge of the Afro-American existence for black self-development have been discussed by many social scientists. The development of other ethnic groups in America, as compared to the black minority, has been sometimes attributed to the fact that they came to America with a history and culture still intact and capable of supporting them as they weathered the storms that all ethnic groups must, to become fully incorporated into the American mainstream. For black Americans, however, attempts to re-establish his heritage and counteract the abortive effects of an almost complete separation from it are only now beginning to bear fruit. The harvest time is right, and the fruit is ripe !

While the self-image enhancement of black Americans is probably most important, the effects that the increased study of black history has had in restructuring the frame of reference used by whites to control racial relations in America is clearly a significant consideration. Without even a sketchy knowledge of black history, many conservative and, indeed, liberal whites are apt to think they are doing black America a "favor" by tokenly integrating schools, business corporations and the like. If they were aware of the "real deal" in American history, they would readily admit that the blood, sweat, and tears of black Americans have watered and enriched the soil of this country to such a great extent that black people should own a major portion of the entire country. Is it not really the black men who is doing the favor, that of allowing white America one more

3 Ibid., p. 35.

John Herrick Clarke, "The Search for Africa", Negro Digest, February 1968, p. 88. 5 Vincent Harding, "The Uses of the Afro-American Past", Negro Digest, February 1968, p. 6.

chance to do justice to a people graced through their toil for this country and the wrongs that an ungrateful country has visited upon him.

The second aspect of the study of black history I wish to discuss is one that is international in scope. Black history provides a needed link with the rest of thereby fulfilling the function of stimulating the struggle for human rights. It is not a too easily discernable fact, especially when one employs the highly developed method of selective perception as most Americans do, that the vast majority of the earth's humiliated and oppressed people in the last few centuries the "third world"-the humiliated and oppressed, the colonized and exploited, have been non-white, and their humiliation has been the result of oppression by the white, mainly western world."

That the role of America in this oppression has been nothing less than that of fearless leader makes it "obvious that one of America's most critical blind areas is in the realm of understanding the oppressed, the wretched of the earth.”7 Harding draws several very thought provoking-implications fro mthis observation, the broadest and perhaps the most relevant at the present moment being : "If there is any real concern among the American people to understand why men are determined to fight bombers with rifles and curses, why revolutions seem to grow wherever America's footprints mark the earth, then the AfroAmerican story is essential reading."

8

Indeed, America is perhaps fortunate to have in her midst the one source that may very well prove to be her salvation because of the link to the "alienated, humiliated and rebellious non-white world" that Black America could serve. Harding pushes his point further by asserting that by failing to fully explore this link, America might continue to be puzzled at the world's disbelief concerning our "sudden devotion to the rights of self-determination for the non-white masses of Vietnam." Along this line there is one thing I am sure of: many black Americans are damn puzzled.

But the careful reading of black history must also serve to remind black Americans that they, too, are the children of oppressed and humiliated and stand in solidarity with others all over the world. In fact, black America because of their unique juxtaposition in white America, must serve as a vanguard for the "Third World." Black history and the lesson to be learned from its study must cause black Americans to reaffirm their belief in its own humanity and rededicate themselves to the removal of oppression from the face of the earth.

In my opinion, Black History serves the function of providing America with a touchstone for the purpose of judging the genuineness of its own history, indeed, of its very existence. It cannot be gainsaid that the history of America-and the black man's contribution to it-has not occurred in a segregated manner. The black man's contribution to this country was made as an American-and should be recorded and recognized as such. Black history has not been and is not a thing apart. It is rather a thread, a very dominant one among many threads, that are now inextricably woven into the fabric of American society. This realization, though much too recent, is leading to a thorough re-evaluation of American history and a reassessment of the whole American experience that it purports to record.

The parallels between this re-evaluation and reassessment of history and a similar process occurring in a re-examination of America in general is aptly expressed by the contention "that an American history which cannot contain the full story of the black pilgrimage is no more worthy of life than an American society that cannot bear the full and troublesome black presence in its midst." " This quote is a most suitable point of departure as we discuss the last aspect of black history's functions.

A last function, fundamental to the existence of any ordered state, is served by the study of black history. This is the providing of a factual basis with which the past can be studied, the present understood, and more importantly, on which the future can be erected. The parameters of racial relations in America today and the entire contextual framework of society are shaped by many complexities. These complexities are rooted in the past and manifested in the present, making for a host of situations that can easily escape even the most scrutinizing analysis by an untrained eye. It is my contention that every American citizen should be armed with those tools that enable him to unravel the intricacies of American

• Ibid., p. 5.

7 Ibid., p. 9.
8 Ibid.
Ibid., p. 81.

racial relations today, regardless of how small they may appear, so that he, too, man contribute meaningfully to the alleviation of the problems we now face. Black history stands today as that most important tool!

Not very much can be expected when we ask someone who is not too well informed of the past, and its relationship to the present, to direct our course for the future. The implications of the importance of Black American history in the shaping of the present was probably best demonstrated by the fact that the U.S. Riot Commission spent over a full day of testimony and devotes an entire chapter of their report to an historical sketch of the black man's experiences on the American scene. This represents, in my opinion, a recognition of reality at the level of policymaking where it counts. Hopefully, it is but one initial sign of a widening consciousness that will engulf all of America.

In the final analysis, whether or not an activity is judged functional depends on whether it tends to contribute to the maintenance of American society. It is much too early for such an assessment of the study of Black history to occur. However, indications are that, especially for the black people of America and oppressed people of the world, the accelerated interest in Black history will be of great benefit. But perhaps the study of Black history and the lessons learned from it will not yield the fruits of progress but rather those of hatred and utter indignation. Maybe Black history will be that final spark needed to ignite the entire world in a battle of the "haves" and the "have nots," the oppressed and the oppressors.

Whatever may be the possibilities, black Americans owe no guarantees to anyone that only good will come from the study of Black history. Hopefully truth will come a truth that will provide a sounder foundation for our future than the one on which our past is built. Anyway, white America has had her chance! Senator PELL. Is there anyone in the room who would like to testify? If, not, the record will be kept open for the prepared statements of those who could not appear, supplementary statements, and other pertinent material submitted for the record. (The material referred to follows:)

Hon. CLAIBORNE PELL,

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS, Washington, D.C., July 24, 1968.

Chairman, Subcommittee on Arts and Humanities, Labor and Public Welfare Committee, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: I was delighted to learn that your subcommittee conducted hearings on S. 297, a bill which would establish a commission on Negro history and culture. I regret that I was not able to testify at those hearings.

I am persuaded that there is urgent need for a commission of the kind which this bill would establish. Much more important, I am convinced that the recognition that such a commission would help bring to the contributions of Negro Americans to American life is long past due.

At my request, a member of my staff, wrote to Mr. Jackie Robinson, Chairman of a Committee to Support a Commission on Negro History and Culture, briefly outlining the reasons I endorse this legislation. I enclose a copy of that letter and ask that it be made part of the record of the hearings on S. 297.

I sincerely hope that this bill will soon be reported so that the Senate can take action before adjournment.

With best wishes, I am
Sincerely yours,

E. L. BARTLETT,

U.S. Senator.

U.S. SENATE,

Mr. JACKIE ROBINSON,

Washington, D.C., July 19, 1968.

Chairman, Committee To Support a Commission on Negro History and Culture, Washington, D.O.

DEAR MR. ROBINSON: You may already have heard that Senator Bartlett is ill and not expected to return to his office for quite some time. I have talked with him about your letter of July 15, urging his support of Senator Scott's bill calling

for establishment of a commission on Negro history and culture, and he has asked that I assure you that the bill has his enthusiastic and unqualified endorsement. The Senator's illness, unfortunately, precludes his taking any active part in the hearings being conducted on July 23 by the Arts and Humanities Subcommittee of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee. I know, however, that were he able, the Senator would want to participate in those hearings.

The gross neglect of the Negro's contributions to American life his distressed Senator Bartlett for some time. If it were only neglect, the Senator may not have been so greatly disturbed, but it is and has been something much more insidious. Deliberate lies, horrible distortions, and false images born of ignorance and pious condescension have created and perpetuated monstrous myths which bear no resemblance to reality. It is the destruction of these myths and the propagation of truth, the whole truth, that Senator Bartlett hopes will be begun through the commission which Senator Scott proposes.

If Senator Bartlett is able to return to the Senate by the time this bill is considered on the floor, you may be sure that he will vote in favor of it. With very best wishes, I am Sincerely yours,

MARTIN A. DYER, Legislative Assistant to Senator E. L. Bartlett.

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DAVID FROEHLICH, SCHOOL TEACHER, BROOKLYN, N.Y. Although the American Negro has long been denied equal rights and opportunities, in every endeavor and walk of American life, it seems to me, that the American Negro is, as other ethnic groups are, a part of the whole, which we call America. To make amends now, for past errors and inequities, no matter how grievous, by creating a special Commission or by offering special courses is not solving the existing problem.

It is my considered judgment, that the creation of such a Commission would create a sort of discrimination in reverse. Were we to establish a special course in our educational institutions on Negro History; were we to create a special Commission on Negro History and Culture, would we then not place the American Negro above and beyond other American ethnic groups? Couldn't then the ItalianAmericans or the Irish-Americans demand similar commissions? Wouldn't the American-Jews be justified in petitioning for equal treatment, citing their significant participation in the growth and development of our nation? I'm afraid by doing so, the sprouting of special commissions and history courses would be endless, in our multicultured society.

For nearly 200 years, the American Negro somehow was not too concerned with heritage and roots. Now, in the middle of the 20th Century there has appeared a sudden awakening by the American Negro community. They now have developed a strong desire and need for background and heritage, and with it, a demand for equal rights, privileges and status. White America, having dominated our society; having denied their black brothers equality and feeling guilty for it, now eagerly tries to make amends for part misdeeds by all sorts of special accommodations. There seems to be a great desire, on the part of government, to show great regret for past failings. While basic rights and privileges must be shared; while greater equality and opportunity must be accorded, I fail to see the need for granting special status to any ethnic group. Such action fails to remedy the existing problem and creates new ones, by irritating those of other ethnic makeup.

It seems to me, instead of giving the American Negro special status, above and beyond other ethnic groups, what ought to be done is the revising of our text books; the reorienting of our American history courses and include in these, the condition, the role played by the American Negro in the history of the United States. Just as we have included other ethnic groups, such as the American Indian, the many European and Asiatic immigrant groups, that came to our shores and later became part and parcel with the American scene, so the Negro ought to be given his rightful place as another ethnic group that has played a part, a very significant part, in the growth and maturation of our nation.

Our American history courses, especially on the elementary and secondary level, have sadly neglected to include, in the teaching of our nation's history, the role played by the American Negro. In the past, the Negro has been almost completely cut out from the pages of our history books. This was done, due to the belief that our youngsters ought not read anything that might put the United States in a bad light. It was also done out of sheer prejudice, for the Negro was considered unimportant.

99-596-68-7

« ¡è͹˹éÒ´Óà¹Ô¹¡ÒõèÍ
 »