Explanation of the moral ideas concerning truthfulness and good faith, pp. 109

-131.--When detected a deception implies a conflict between two irreconcil.

able ideas, which causes pain, p. 109.-Men like to know the truth, p. 109. sq.

- The importance of knowing the truth, p. 110.-Deception humiliating,

ibid. -A lie or breach of faith held more condemnable in proportion to the

magnitude of the harm caused by it, ibid.The importance of truthfulness and

fidelity even in apparently trifling cases, p. 110 sq.--Deceit held permis-

sible or obligatory when promoting the true interest of the person subject to it,

p. 111.—The moral valuation of an act of falsehood influenced by its motive,

p. 111 sq.-The opinion that no motive can justify an act of falsehood, p. 112.

-Why falsehood is held permissible, or praiseworthy, or obligatory, when

directed against a stranger, ibid. ---Deceit condemned as cowardly, p. 113. —

A clever lie admired or approved of, p. 114.-The duties of sincerity and good

faith to some extent founded on prudential considerations, pp. 114-124.-

Lying attended with supernatural danger, ibid.-A mystic efficacy ascribed

to the untrue word, pp. 116-118.-The efficacy of oaths and the methods of

charging them with supernatural energy, pp. 118-122.-Oaths containing

appeals to supernatural beings, pp. 120-122.- By being frequently appealed

to in oaths a god may come to be looked upon as a guardian of veracity

and good faith, P: 123.-— The influence of oath-taking upon veracity,

p. 123 sq.—The influence of education upon the regard for truth, p. 124. -

The influence of habit upon the regard for truth, p. 125.–Natural to speak

the truth, p. 125 sq.-Intercourse with strangers destructive to savage veracity,

pp. 126-129. - Social incoherence apt to lead to deceitful habits, p. 129. —

Social differentiation a cause of deception, p. 129 sq.--Oppression an induce-

ment to falsehood, p. 130 sq.— The duty of informing other persons of the

truth, p. 131.—The regard for knowledge, pp. 131-136.

humility praised as a virtue or enjoined as a duty, p. 144 sq.-Humility an

object of censure, p. 145 sq.--Deviation from what is usual arouses a suspicion

of arrogance, p. 146.--Politeness a duty rather than a virtue, ibid. - Many

savages conspicuous for their civility, p. 146 sq.-Politeness a characteristic of

all the great nations of the East, p. 147 sq.—The courtesies of Chivalry, p. 148.

-The demands of politeness refer to all sorts of social intercourse and vary
indefinitely in detail, p. 148 sq.-Salutations, pp. 149–151.—The rule of polite-
ness most exacting in relation to superiors, p. 151 sq.--Politeness shown by
men to women, p. 152. — Politeness shown to strangers, ibid.

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The regard for other persons' happiness in general, p. 153 89.-The moral ideas

concerning conduct which affects other persons welfare influenced by the
relationship between the parties, pp. 154–166. —The feeling of gratitude said
to be lacking in many uncivilised races, pp. 155-157.--Criticism of statements
to this effect, pp. 157-161.–Savages described as grateful for benefits bestowed
on them, pp. 161-165.-Gratitude represented as an object of praise or its
absence as an object of disapproval, p. 165 sq.- Why ungratefulness is
disapproved of, p. 166.—The patriotic sentiment defined, p. 167. — Though
hardly to be found among the lower savages, it seems to be far from unknown
among uncultured peoples of a higher type, p. 167 sq.--- Many of the elements
out of which patriotism proper has grown clearly distinguishable among savages,
even the lowest, pp. 168-172.-National conceit, pp. 170-174. —The relation
between the national feeling and the religious feeling, p. 174 sq.--The
patriotism of ancient Greece and Rome, p. 175 sq.—The moral valuation of
patriotism, p. 176. --- Duties to mankind at large, pp. 176-179.—The ideal of
patriotism rejected by Greek and Roman philosophers, p. 177 59:- By

Christianity, p. 178 sq.-The lack of patriotism and national feeling during

the Middle Ages, pp. 179-181.-The development of the national feeling in

England, p. 181 sq.- In France, p. 182.—The cosmopolitanism of the

eighteenth century, p. 182 sq.-European patriotism after the French revolu.

tion, p. 183 sq. — The theory of nationalism, p. 184.—The cosmopolitan

spirit, p. 184 sq.


so-called Aryan peoples, pp. 214-216.- Village communities, clans, phratıies,
and tribes among these peoples, pp. 216–220.The prevalence of the paternal
system of descent among the peoples of archaic culture, p. 220.--Associations
of tribes among uncivilised races, p. 220 sq.---Civilisation only thrives in states,
p. 221 sq.-The origin of states, p. 222. — The influence of the State upon the
smaller units of which it is composed, p. 222 sq.—The State and the notion
of a common descent, pp. 223-225.—The archaic State not only a political
but a religious community, p. 225 sq.-The national importance of a common
religion, p. 226.—The influence of social development upon the altruistic senti-
ment, p. 226 sq.—The altruistic sentiment has not necessarily reference only
to individuals belonging to the same social unit, p. 227 sq.—The expansion
of altruism in mankind, p. 228.

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General statements referring to the nature and origin of self-regarding duties and

virtues, pp. 265-268.- Man naturally inclined to idleness, pp. 268,271.–

Among savages either necessity or compulsion almost the sole inducement to
industry, ibid. - Savages who enjoin work as a duty or regard industry as a
virtue, p. 271 sq.-Industrial activity looked down upon as disreputable for a
free man, p. 272 sq.-Contempt for trade, p. 274.- Progress in civilisation
implies an increase of industry and leads to condemnation of idleness, ibid. -
Idleness prohibited by law in ancient Peru, p. 274 sq.-Industry enjoined in
ancient Persia, p. 275 sq.-In ancient Egypt, p. 276.- In ancient Greece,
p. 276 sq.-Greek views on agriculture, p. 277.-On trade and handicrafts,
p. 278 sq.-The Roman views on labour, p. 279 sq.— The Christian doctrine
on the subject, pp. 280-282.- Not applicable to laymen, p. 282.- Modern
views on labour, p. 282 sq.—Rest regarded as a duty, p. 283. -Work
suspended after a death, p. 283 sq.-On certain other occasions, especially in
connection with changes in the moon, pp. 284-286. --Tabooed days among
the peoples of Semitic stock, pp. 286,288.— The Jewish Sabbath, p. 286 sq.-
The seventh day among the Assyrians and Babylonians, p. 287 sq.-The
Christian Sunday, p. 288 sq.

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The gluttony of savages and their views on it, p. 290 sq.-At higher stages of

culture intemperance often subject to censure, p. 291. – Views on pleasures of

the table, p. 291 sq.- Fasting as a means of having supernatural converse or

acquiring supernatural powers, p. 292 sq.-Abstinence from food before or

in connection with the performance of a magical or religious ceremony,

pp. 293–298.–Fasting prevents pollution, pp. 294–296.-Sacrificial victims

should be clean, and may therefore have to fast, p. 295 sq:-Fasting before

the performance of a sacrifice may be due to the idea that it is dangerous or

improper for the worshipper to partake of food before the god has had his

share, pp. 296–298.- Fasting after a death, pp. 298–308.-Observed only in

the daytime, p. 299 sq.-Abstinence from certain victuals only, pp. 300-302.

- Various attempts to explain the custom of fasting after a death, p. 302 sq.-

Mourners fast for fear of being polluted by the food, pp. 303-306.--Or

because they, by eating a piece of food, might pollute all victuals belonging

to the same species, p. 306 sq.-Or because they are supposed to be in a

delicate condition imposing upon them restrictions in their diet, p. 307 sq.-

Or because grief is accompanied by a loss of appetite, p. 308.—The Lent fast,

P: 308 sq.- Fasts connected with astronomical changes, pp. 309–315.-Among

the Jews, pp. 310-312.- Among the Harranians and Manichæans, p. 312 sq.–

The Muhammedan fast of Ramadân, pp. 313-315.-Fasting as a form of

penance, pp. 315-318. -As a survival of an expiatory sacrifice, pp. 316-318. -

Fasting and almsgiving, ibid. - Fasting “the beginning of chastity," p. 318.

Certain kinds of food forbidden to certain classes of persons, pp. 319-324. —

To young persons, p. 319 sq.To women, p. 320 59.--To men, p. 321 sq:

-To priests or magicians, p. 322.- Restrictions in diet connected with

totemism, p. 323 sq.-Abstinence from animals which excite disgust by their

appearance, p. 324 sq.-From reptiles, p. 324.-From fish, p. 324 sq.–From
fowl, p. 325.– From eggs, p. 325 sq.–From milk, ibid.— From animals which

are regarded with disgust on account of their filthy habits or the nasty food

on which they live, pp. 326-328.– From pork, ibid.From foreign animals,

P: 327.- From animals which are supposed to be metamorphosed ancestors or

which resemble inen, p. 328 sq.- From animals which excite sympathy, pp.

329-331.- From beef, p. 330 sq.-Restrictions in diet due to the disinclina-

tion to kill certain animals for food or, generally, to reduce the supply of a

certain kind of victuals, pp. 330-332. —Abstinence from domestic animals

which are regarded as sacred, p. 331 sq.—From food which is believed to

injure him who partakes of it, pp. 332-334.-The sources to which the

general avoidance of certain kinds of food may be traced, p. 334 sq.---The

moral disapproval of eating certain kinds of food, p. 335.—The moral prohibi.

tion sanctioned by religion, ibid. — Vegetarianism, pp. 335-338.—Among many

peoples drunkenness so common that it can hardly be looked upon as a vice,

pp. 338-341.-Sobriety or total abstinence from intoxicating liquors insisted

upon by Eastern religions, p. 341 sq.-Explanation of the moral ideas con.

cerning drunkenness and the use of alcoholic drink, pp. 342-345. —Wine or

spirituous liquor inspires mysterious fear, p. 344 sq.—The Muhammedan

prohibition of wine, p. 345.

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