unsicheren habe ich weggelassen) durch Ergänzung erschlossen wurde, stehen in eckiger Klammer. Die beiden Inschriften vor Severus führe ich im Wortlaut an: 1) CIL II 4724: Imp. Nerv[a] Caes. | Aug. pont. maxim. / trib. potest. II cos. III | proc. pat. patriae cord. restituit.

2) CIL VIII 21663: Ex au[ctor]itate! Imp. Caes. Divi Traiani Parthici [f.] Divi Nervae nepotis Traian[i] Hadriani Aug. p. p. p. m. tr. pot. XX[I] cos. III procos. auspiciis L. Aeli C[a]es. Imp. Imp. fil. cos termini pos. i[n]ter Regienses et saltum Cul per C. Petronium Celerem proc. Au[g.] an. provin. LXXXXVIII. Die Inschriften seit Severus sind die folgenden:

1) Mit derartigen Jahresangaben ist das Jahr der tribunizischen Gewalt gemeint.

...

Nr. 10, 11, 12, [13], 14, 16, 17, 18, [23], 26, 27, 28 und 29 Meilensteine; Nr. 7 ist eine Weihung von ianus Lycomedes, procurator Augustorum, Nr. 3 von M. Cestius T. fil. Quir. Regianus (ob pollicitationem honoris aedilitatis); Nr. 2 von der Respublica) Phuensium; Nr. 4 von der Respublica c(ivitatis) C(eltianensium); Nr. 5 von der r(es) p(ublica) c(ivitatis?) R... (?); Nr. 15 von dem ordo piu (?) et populares Alt(avienses); Nr. 21 von der Respublica Thamullulensium; Nr. 24 von dem ordo civitatis Bencennensis; Nr. 25 von der colonia Alexandriana Augusta Uchi Maius; Nr. 20 von mancipes et iunctores iumentari Viarum Histriae Venetiae Transpadanae; Nr. [1] von primi o[rdi]ne[s et centuriones et evocatus leg(ionis) XXII Prim(igeniae) Piae Fidelis)]; Nr. 19 ist eine Bauinschrift einer cohors Treverorum Severiana Alexandriana, deren Nummer auf dem Stein nicht erhalten ist; Nr. 22 von equites singulares (curante L. Licinio Hieroclete, proc(uratore) eius, praeside provinciae); Nr. 8 von der cohors IIII vigilum (curante Junio Rufino praef. vig. und anderen); auf Nr. 6, 9 und [30] wird nicht gesagt, von wem die Weihung ausgeht. Aus den angeführten Inschriften1) geht, wie ich glaube, mit voller Sicherheit hervor:

1) daß die Kaiser von Traianus bis auf Severus proconsul genannt werden, wenn sie außerhalb Italiens sind;

2) daß sie dagegen seit diesem Kaiser den Titel proconsul auch in Italien, ausgenommen in der Stadt Rom, führen.

Im Anschluß daran mag auch die Bemerkung W. Thieles De Severo Alexandro imperatore, Berlin 1909, p. 76, zurückgewiesen werden: . . . raritate exempli vetamur comparare eum (sc. Alexandrum) cum Septimio Severo, quem eo (sc. proconsulis) nomine in urbe perpetuo gesto aperte ostendisse notum est, quam non senatui faveret.... Wir haben überhaupt nur sechs sicher auf Severus Alexander bezügliche stadtrömische2) Inschriften, die für uns in Betracht kommen könnten; davon ist eine (CIL VI 1084) so fragmentarisch, daß sie nicht verwertet werden kann, eine zweite (CIL VI 31372) führt nur die Titel pontifex maximus und pater patriae an, so daß der einen (CIL VI 31369), die den prokonsularischen Titel zeigt, allerhöchstens nur drei (CIL VI 1083, [30960] und 31371) gegenübergestellt werden können, auf denen er fehlt. Ein Schluß auf Grund der raritas exempli ist also unzulässig. Ebenso wenig läßt sich das über Septimius Severus Gesagte begründen. Wien.

1) Die Münzen in die vorstehende Untersuchung einzubeziehen, war unmöglich, da bis auf Diokletian regelmäßig der Titel proconsul nicht auf ihnen erscheint (vgl. Eckhel, D. n. VIII p. 339). Auch habe ich in keiner Publikation eine griechische Inschrift finden können, die sich hier verwenden ließe.

2) Ich sehe natürlich von jenen Inschriften ab, auf denen nach der Bezeichnung „,Augustus" dem Kaiser keine weiteren Titel beigelegt werden.

397

The Cult-animal of Set.

The animal of Set

By P. E. Newberry.

is named in a hunting scene at Beni Hasan (BH II pl. IV), and in a religious text of the Old Kingdom recently found by Quibell at Saqqara (Saqqara, 1906-7, p. 50). Upon the it forms the ensign of the XIth or Hypselite nome of Upper Egypt1). At Dêr Rîfeh (Griffith, Siût and Dêr Rîfeh pl. 18) where lies the cemetery of the Hypselite nome, there is mentioned a deity III who is

โ

described as 2) Lord of the City Sha-s-htp". Sha-s-ḥtp (WWTN) was the Capital of the Hypselite nome and Sha or Shau) being the god of the city, suggests that the place-name should be interpreted as meaning "Sha is contented", or "pacified". Sha-s-ḥtp we may

H

therefore take to have been the early seat of the cult.

1) In the Nome Lists of Sesostris I (Licht) and Thotmes III (Dêr el Bahari) the animal is represented lying down in the List of Thotmes III

in that of Nectanebo (Medinet

(Luxor) it is seen sitting on its haunches Habu) the sha-animal is figured lying with a knife fixed in its forehead: in that of Alexander (Karnak) the creature has its head cut off. In the Lists of Sety I

and Ramses II (both Abydos) the animal ensign is replaced by
2) On a XIIth Dynasty coffin from Rifeh we have the spelling Itt

(Petrie, Gizeh & Rifch, pl. XIII). The reading
and probably due to a mistaken etymology.

is late

Compare the place-name

(Brugsch, Dict. geogr. 792) in Nubia where Horus overtook the Set worshippers in the Horus legend (Schäfer, Klio IV, p. 122).

3) Sha is named as a Libyan god an a monument of the IV th Dynasty at Cairo. Compare also the New Kingdom stela, Cairo No. 34009.

Klio, Beiträge zur alten Geschichte XII 4.

27

The name) of this deity is found as early as the IInd Dynasty. It and occurs on seal impressions

was then written

or

of Per-ab-sen (Petrie, RT II, 178 etc.), and Kha-sekhemui (ibid, 200 etc.). It appears to have been about this time that the Sha-worship was at its zenith, for Per-ab-sen places the cult-animal above his s-rkh-name (ibid., pls. XXII, XXXI.) which would indicate that he was a Chieftain of the Hypselite district2). Kha-sekhemui, who followed him on the throne, places the Falcon as well as the Sha-animal above his s-rkh-name (ibid., pls. XXII, XXIV) suggesting that an alliance had been formed between the two opposing clans. A reminiscence of this alliance is found in the LD II 14 a.

Old Kingdom title of the Queens of Egypt
Mariette MD 5. 14. 18).

AN
H

What was the actual animal represented by ? Champollion, Rosellini, Wilkinson and Lepsius all held that it was a purely imaginary creature). Pleyte 4) thought that it was a degenerated form of the figure of an ass; Brugsch5) of an oryx. Maspero 6) considered it to be either the fennec or the jerboa; Breasted) and Wiedemann), the okapi; Lefébure") says „a dog and more specially a greyhound"; Loret 10) imagined „un lévrier d'un genre tout spécial"; Lortet has suggested the tapir; and

1) Other names of this deity were, of course,

N

Can these names have originated from a dislike on the part of

the Egyptians to utter the real name of this most hated god?

\\ „he". These might easily be names of opprobrium. Frazer (Totemism and Exogamy I, p. 16) says, „as some totem clans avoid looking at their totems, so others are careful not to speak of it by its proper name but use descriptive epithets instead“. See further on this subject, Frazer, Golden Bough 2 vol. I, pp. 453, 457, 462. In the light of my identification (see below) of the Shaanimal it is interesting to note that the Rabbis will not defile their lips with the word "pig" but say dabhar akhir „another thing". (Burton, Arabian Nights vol. 1 p. 173, note on Night 19). Compare p. 399 note 4 below.

2) A tradition survived as late as the 14th century A. D. of the kings of Schuteb (Dümichen, Geschichte, p. 177).

3) See Maspero, Dawn, p. 103.

4) La Religion des Pré-Israélites p. 187. 5) Religion 703, 716.

6) Dawn, p. 103 and Lange in Chantipie de la Saussaye's Lehrbuch der Religionsgesch. p. 204.

7) History of Egypt, p. 30.

8) OLZ 5 p. 220 having abandoned his theory of the camel (Religion, p. 117). 9) L'animal typhonien in the Sphinx II (1898), pp. 63–74.

10) PSBA XXVIII p. 131.

Thilenius 1) considers the animal to be a long-snouted mouse (macroseelides). Erman2) remarks that the animal by which Set is represented or whose head he wears was considered in later times to be a donkey, although at least be could only have been a caricature of one. Probably it was intended for some animal with which the Egyptians were unfamiliar in historic times". A comparison of the earliest figure of the animal (see fig. 1) with the ass, oryx, fennec and okapi at once forbids any such identification. It is true that the later examples of the sign show some resemblance to the greyhound, but these late examples are all highly conventionalised, and the tail is, as Borchardt has recently shown3), invariably represented as an arrow! The head in all examples resembles somewhat that of a tapir but that animal has a characteristically short and stumpy tail, and moreover, tapirs are not known in Africa, being, now at all events, confined to Central and South America or the Malay Archipelago; they are also dwellers in dense forests where water is abundant. The question as to the identification of the Set-animal in therefore still an open one.

Fig. 1.

The earliest known figure occurs on the mace-head of the Scorpion king in the Ashmolean Museum (see above fig. 1); it shows the animal with longish body, short legs, a long snoutish head, curiously erect ears and an erect tail. The stereotyped form of later times is very different to this, for it is characterised by a long slender body with slender legs1). A hint as to the actual animal, is, I think, to be obtained from a mythological text. In Chapter CXII of the Book of the Dead, Set is said to transform himself into a black hog Swti pw ir-nf khprw-f m Šaȧ km. In the same chapter we read of the sacrifice of swine, and of swine being an abomination of Horus, the traditional enemy of Set. In a late text (Piehl, Inser. Hierogl. Nouvelle série, pl. 104. 9) the pig or wild boar is named as the Typhonian animal. Herodotus (II, 45, 47) also tells us that swine were offered in sacrifice by the Egyptians, and Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride VIII) says that a sow was offered to Typho

1) Rec. de travaux XXII, p. 214.

3) ÄZ 46, 90.

2) Handbook of Egyptian Religion p. 20. 4) Just as the Egyptians avoided using the name of this animal, so they avoided figuring it in its true character. Naville (Études archéologiques... dédiées à Mr. le Dr. Leemanns p. 75) has noted that when the Egyptians had to represent a pig a certain superstition made them give this animal a conventional form and they often substituted the hippopotamus (cp. Lanzone Dit. Mit. pl. 380). That swine were well known in Egypt from an early date is certain. Methen (Sethe, Urkunden I, p. 3) possessed a herd; the peasant in the tale of the Peasant (Vogelsang und Gardiner, Die Klagen des Bauern, pl. 24, 1. 138) also had pigs. Renni

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