Korean American Evangelicals New Models for Civic LifeOxford University Press, 9 ¾.Â. 2006 - 222 ˹éÒ Studies of religion among our nation's newest immigrants largely focus on how religion serves the immigrant community -- for example by creating job networks and helping retain ethnic identity in the second generation. In this book Ecklund widens the inquiry to look at how Korean Americans use religion to negotiate civic responsibility, as well as to create racial and ethnic identity. She compares the views and activities of second generation Korean Americans in two different congregational settings, one ethnically Korean and the other multi-ethnic. She also conducted more than 100 in-depth interviews with Korean American members of these and seven other churches around the country, and draws extensively on the secondary literature on immigrant religion, American civic life, and Korean American religion. Her book is a unique contribution to the literature on religion, race, and ethnicity and on immigration and civic life. |
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3 | |
A Cultural Approach to Connecting Institutions and Identities | 17 |
3 Religion Race and Ethnicity in Two Churches | 29 |
4 Models of Civic Responsibility | 51 |
5 Civic Identities | 73 |
6 Civic Models and Community Service | 95 |
7 Evangelicalism and Politics for Korean Americans | 119 |
8 Implications for Institutional Change | 139 |
Data and Methods | 159 |
Interview and Survey Guides | 165 |
Notes | 173 |
References | 189 |
Index | 199 |
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˹éÒ 74 - We define racial formation as the sociohistorical process by which racial categories are created, inhabited, transformed, and destroyed. Our attempt to elaborate a theory of racial formation will proceed in two steps. First, we argue that racial formation is a process of historically situated projects in which human bodies and social structures are represented and organized.
˹éÒ 24 - In a pluralistic society, those religious groups will be relatively stronger which better possess and employ the cultural tools needed to create both clear distinction from and significant engagement and tension with other relevant outgroups, short of becoming genuinely countercultural.
˹éÒ 116 - I believe in God. I'm not a religious fanatic. I can't remember the last time I went to church. My faith has carried me a long way. It's Sheilaism. Just my own little voice.
˹éÒ 24 - Religion survives and can thrive in pluralistic, modern society by embedding itself in subcultures that offer satisfying morally orienting collective identities which provide adherents meaning and belonging.
˹éÒ 18 - That is, they represent objects or events and provide default assumptions about their characteristics, relationships, and entailments under conditions of incomplete information.
˹éÒ 172 - Underneath its apparent uniformity, contemporary immigration features a bewildering variety of origins, return patterns, and modes of adaptation to American society. Never before has the United States received immigrants from so many countries, from such different social and economic backgrounds, and for so many reasons. Although pre-World War I European immigration was by no means homogeneous, the differences between successive waves of Irish, Italians, Jews, Greeks, and Poles often pale by comparison...
˹éÒ vi - The Religious Research Association, and the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion.
˹éÒ 168 - How many years have you lived in your community? (Circle one answer) 1 Less than one year 2 One to five years 3 Six to ten years 4 Eleven to twenty years 5 More than twenty years 6 All my life 9.